There’s been some very interesting activity this month in the comments thread
about Summit Communications. Since I don’t expect anybody to plough through
more than 12,000 words of comments, I thought I’d summarise the discussion here.
And it really is a discussion: people pretty much are who they say they are.
I’ve got a list of their names and IP addresses after the jump if you don’t
believe me. The only time an IP address is repeated is when Marcos Melo, who
is an employee of Alvaro Llaryora, posts from the same IP address as Llaryora.
Which makes perfect sense.
Nearly all of the activity comes from employees or former employees of Summit
Communications or its sister companies. I’m not sure how or why they all seem
to have found my blog entry at the same time, but I assume there’s been some
emailing going on. In any case, the basic Summit Communications modus operandi
definitely emerges from the discussion.
It turns out that Summit Communications is a vehicle set up by a parent company
called AFA Press for the express purpose of selling advertising supplements
in the New York Times. AFA has other, similar companies for other publications:
the one for the Observer in the UK, for instance, is called Images, Words; the
one for USA Today is called United World; the one for the Daily Telegraph in
the UK is called PM Communications, and so on. The true center of operations
for all these companies is Madrid, although they’re mostly incorporated in the
UK.
The owner of all these companies is an Argentine called Alberto Llaryora –
the father of one of my commenters, Alvaro Llaryora. (In Argentine Spanish,
both "ll" and "y" are pronounced as "zh", so think
"zharzhora".)
Why does Llaryora have so many offshore companies, each with a very different
name? (Apart from any money-laundering he may or may not be doing, of course.)
The impression one gets from reading the comments is that it’s very simple:
the people working for these companies are so sleazy and unprofessional that
the governments and companies in the countries buying the advertorials are unlikely
to ever want to work with them a second time. So Llaryora simply sends a team
from a company with a name untarnished in that country instead.
And there’s another reason: the AFA sales team makes no effort whatsoever to
distingish themselves from the publication that they’re going to print the advertorial
in. The fact that each subsidiary works only for a single publication allows
them to say that they are "the exclusive partner of the New York Times"
or somesuch.
In fact, the sales technique at AFA seems to depend on their pretending to
be from the New York Times / USA Today / whoever. The AFA team always
includes a "journalist" who goes around attempting to get interviews
with senior officials and executives in the country, for a report on that country
to be published in the newspaper in question. Obviously, the fact that the report
will be an advertorial is not mentioned, and neither is the fact that the "journalist"
not an employee of, let alone a journalist for, the newspaper.
Similarly, when the advertorial is being sold, it is always sold on the basis
that the number of readers of the advertorial is the same as the number of readers
of the newspaper in question. Most advertisers who want a bound-out supplement
in the Sunday New York Times, say, are well aware that the vast majority of
readers will simply throw that supplement away unread. But AFA sales people
present themselves as selling advertising (little display units within the advertorials)
against New York Times / USA Today editorial with its enormous circulation and
readership numbers.
AFA seems to specialize in employing young, hungry sales people with no previous
experience in the media business. One of them phoned me after being given a
job offer, wanting to find out what I knew about the company; another left a
comment on my blog. The person I talked to had only sales experience well outside
the media industry, but was being offered a job as a "journalist":
writing skills, of course, were unimportant, as the only thing that matters
is making sales. These kids can make a lot of money by lying to advertisers,
and no one ever discourages them from doing so – quite the opposite. They
justify their actions by saying that they’re working in corrupt countries, and
that if you want to make money in such countries you have to be part of that
corrupt system.
Generally, it would seem, the male "journalist" will go through the
motions of interviewing the minister/executive in question; at the end of the
interview, a very pretty female "director" will then approach the
interviewee to buy some advertising against the interview. (Of course, if the
advertising isn’t bought, then the interview won’t appear, but that’s never
mentioned.) In the case of government ministers, the "director" will
ask the minister for a letter giving his "support" to the publication,
and encouraging the companies in that country to cooperate with the reporter.
The minister thinks he’s simply opening doors for the "reporter" to
be able to do his interviews, but of course the "director" helpfully
explains to the executives that in order to cooperate as the minister wants
them to do, they will have to buy advertising.
The technique works so well that former AFA employees have gone on to set up
their own companies doing exactly the same thing: see Vega Media, Impact Media,
and Media Plus, which seems to have an especially low reputation. There’s a
whole sector of these companies, it turns out: Global Press, for instance, run
by Alberto Llaryora’s brother Rodolfo Llaryora, would seem to have the Washington
Post and Fortune Magazine locked up. There certainly seems to be de facto
exclusivity: only one company ever seems to produce advertorials for any given
publication. Does Summit Communications pay the New York Times extra for being
its only advertorial provider? How else can one explain the seeming absence
of any competition in the NYT?
I’m sure that the New York Times, alongside all the other highly-regarded publications
in bed with AFA Press, spends as little time as possible asking about the genesis
of the advertorials which it prints. Just as the millions of people who eat
at McDonald’s really don’t want to know the details of how their meal is made.
This is the real difference between these publications, on the one hand, and
Euromoney, on the other: Euromoney, when it sells supplements, does so under
its own name, and in the knowledge that if the client is unhappy he’ll never
buy another one. The NYT et al don’t sell supplements, they leave that to others,
who are happier to burn their clients because they’ll likely never return to
that country anyway.
I’d be very interested to learn whether New York Times journalists working
in third-world countries ever find themselves battling ministers or executives
who think they’ve dealt with the New York Times in the past, and who have very
bad memories of the whole encounter. Maybe every time they do, they should complain
to the advertising department about the stuff which is being done in the NYT’s
name. That, in turn, might drive AFA Press and its subsidiaries to higher standards
of conduct.
More likely, an increase in the media-savvyness of third world ministers and
executives will force Llaryora and his employees to be more transparent; from
reading the comments on my original post, that might be happening already. Instead
of misleadingly selling an ad against an interview in the New York Times –
something which anybody who knows the NYT knows can never be done – AFA
might start talking more about the usefulness of newspaper supplements in terms
of turning around the image of a tarnished country. Chances are, of course,
that if the people buying into these supplements knew how effective they really
were, they would never take part. But at least some of the sleaziness in the
industry would be minimised.
Commenters and IP addresses after the jump.


