Foreigners Demanding a Say in US Market Regulation

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism submits:

Some reformers have argued that we are at the end of a regulatory paradigm and need to consider fundamental change in securities laws.

It turns out some foreign regulators are already making that case. As the New York Times tells us:

Politicians, regulators and financial specialists outside the United States are seeking a role in the oversight of American markets, banks and rating agencies after recent problems related to subprime mortgages.

Their argument is simple: The United States is exporting financial products, but losses to investors in other countries suggest that American regulators are not properly monitoring the products or alerting investors to the risks.

American regulators would have dismissed this view as lunatic fringe as recently as a month ago. After all, America’s financial markets set the standard for the world and if anything, what was needed was less, not more, regulation.

For example, the recent handwringing over the US’s loss of market share to London led to a couple of studies, one informally called the Paulson report, the other the Bloomberg/Schumer report, after their respective sponsors (see here for a very good write-up plus links). The subtext of each set of recommendations was that the US needed to become an even friendlier place for foreign issuers.

Although there were some differences (the Bloomberg/Schumer report called for lowering visa restrictions to make it easier to attract top talent), the two reports were broadly in concert, for example calling for some changes in Sarbanes-Oxley, limiting the liability of foreign issuers, capping auditors’ damages, limiting punitive damages, (Note that these reports argue for some pet corporate causes, namely, chipping away at Sarbox and restricting punitive damages. At least as big an issue for foreign companies is the confusion and uncertainty of being subject to both Federal and state law, but that admittedly unsolvable problem appears not to have been acknowledged).

The events of the last month have illustrated, vividly, how failings in our regulation can wreak havoc overseas. Recall that the European money markets seized up before ours did due to subprime fallout, first with German bank IKB, then with three Paribas funds that froze redemptions.

Given that the US is a chronic capital importer, foreigners may have more leverage than it might appear (although far and away the biggest source of overseas funds is central bank purchases of Treasuries, and it’s highly unlikely any of our creditors will use that bludgeon). And the demands are coming from many quarters. The Germans want rating agencies to be nationalized, complex debt to have much better disclosure, and large loans to be registered. The Chinese want standardized disclosure for asset backed securities. Even conservative French President Nicolas Sarkozy wants tougher rules:

President Nicolas Sarkozy of France, who has vowed to “moralize financial capitalism,” has asked his finance minister, Christine Lagarde, to prepare a proposal for stricter disclosure rules on market participants before an October meeting of finance ministers from the Group of 7. On Monday, in a foreign policy speech, Mr. Sarkozy called again for stronger global regulations to avoid financial crises.

Clearly, being right wing in France isn’t the same as being right wing here.

These calls for at least more international harmonization of rules, and perhaps even international oversight, should be welcomed in the US but instead are being rebuffed out of a misguided sense of exceptionalism and national pride.

We should take a lesson from the Japan. Its leaders are masters of invoking gaiatsu, or foreign pressure, when they want to force unruly domestic constituencies into line. Perhaps a little foreign arm twisting is precisely what we need to help overcome the obstacles to politically charged securities law reform.

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Corporate Deleveraging May Be Overstated

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism reports:

BreakingViews (free subscription required) reports that the degree of deleveraging of corporate balance sheets may be exaggerated. Yet another reason to look at stocks with a wary eye.

Readers may know that the level of corporate borrowings relative to their equity and total assets has fallen since 2002. For example, Standard & Poors reports that debt to equity ratio for the non-financial firms in the S&P 500 dropped from 75% to 40%. Balance sheet strength is one of many measures used to evaluate stocks.

But the picture may be less rosy than these figures suggest. A UK based analyst, Andrew Smithers, started to examine government statistics on corporate gearing. He noticed that the authorities had had to adjust their own figures to conform with the private sector reports, and dug into their reconciliation methods. He wasn’t comfortable with what he found. He then had a look at US accounting and also found it wanting.

Smithers made some adjustments and determined that UK debt ratios actually got worse, not better, and the US improvement appeared considerably overstated.

As BreakingViews tells us:

Smithers noticed that the trend {of falling corporate debt ratios] was different in the UK….When the assets are valued at replacement cost, the debt-asset ratio has actually increased, from 45% to 52%.

The US statistics measured replacement costs, but with a large “statistical discrepancy” that seemed to be used to reconcile top-down calculations with individual corporate accounts. Take away that adjustment, and the decrease in US corporate debt burdens was cut by more than half – from 70% to 55% of equity.

As a check, Smithers compared the ratio of corporate debt to domestic output. That has also declined, but only from 100% to 90%. That’s the same level as at the last peak, in 1990. In the 1970s, the ratio was mostly in the 60-70% range. Similarly, the ratio of financial debt to GDP has increased from 96% to 107% since 2002. Some of that additional financial debt may actually be non-financial corporate debt in disguise.

What’s going on, precisely? It seems that higher asset prices have made their way onto company balance sheets. There are many possible mechanisms, including asset sale-leasebacks and accounting for financial portfolios at market values.

If the rise in asset prices does indeed account for a big part of the decline in reported corporate leverage, then companies could be more vulnerable than investors think to an economic decline, especially if it were accompanied by weak financial markets.

Posted in bonds and loans, investing | Comments Off on Corporate Deleveraging May Be Overstated

Default Rates Set to Rise?

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

The Financial Times’ Lex column today (subscription required) takes issue with those who take comfort in the oft-quoted statistic that default rates are at a 25 year low. The article shows a long-term, unrelenting decline in average ratings and notes that bond defaults tend to peak two to four years after issuance. We’ve had an increase in lower rated debt thanks to a spike up in large leveraged buyout deals in the last couple of years.

What may make things different (and not necessarily better) this time is that many of the private equity deals were “cov-lite.” That means investors have much less protection. For example, borrowers were often required to keep a specified working capital ratio and level of interest coverage, and meet a net worth test. Failing those meant the creditors could accelerate the principal, as in demand repayment. That was a mechanism for forcing a restructuring.

Although I have not seen the documents on any of these deals, what I’ve heard from my buddies in private equity suggests that on some of these deals, the lenders can’t accelerate the debt even in the event of default. (Somebody, please, tell me this is wrong. It is just too deranged to be true).

Now that arrangement may seem hunky dory for the borrower, but consider: in this modern world of finance, the lenders (often banks who buy collateralized loan obligations or sometimes syndicated loans) still have to mark the assets to market. So when a borrower deteriorates, creditors reduce the value of their loan. This haircut is a balance sheet hit which damages earnings, and if enough deals come a cropper, reduces their capital. And they have no ability to remedy the situation.

I’m not sure how this all resolves, but expect things to get ugly.

From the Financial Times:

Dystopian visions of the future often portray humanity drowning in its own junk. The future is now. More than half the US issuers rated by Standard & Poor’s are currently graded as “speculative”. The proportion rated “B” or lower – well into junk territory – has jumped from one-fifth in 1997 to about one-third currently. The paradox is that the default rate for speculative grade bonds, globally, stands at a 25-year low…..

But the recent seizing-up of credit markets shows that many lenders are rediscovering the concept of risk. As refinancing becomes harder, the result is likely to be a sharp increase in defaults, particularly if the economy weakens significantly.

Easier lending terms – taken to the extreme with so-called covenant-lite agreements – strip out many of the usual default triggers. But that “see-no-evil” approach means credit can deteriorate out of the spotlight. Defaults can then occur with little warning and subsequent recovery rates are likely to be weak.

Optimists may point out that just 11 per cent of the $2,910bn of US corporate debt rated by S&P falls due by the end of 2008. But focusing on maturities misses the point. Analysis of defaults from 1971-2006 by Professor Ed Altman of New York University’s Stern School of Business shows that defaults for junk bonds tend to spike two to four years after issuance. Some 73 per cent of US paper rated “B-” or lower by S&P is less than five years old. History shows that, well before maturity, weak credits can struggle to pay interest and meet covenants.

Of the 28 speculative grade issuers that Moody’s assesses for “intrinsic liquidity” – a measure of reliance on market access for funding – 12 are described as “merely adequate” or weak….

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, private equity | Comments Off on Default Rates Set to Rise?

Do We Need to Bail Out Homeowners? (Nouriel Roubini Edition)

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

Has Roubini gone to the Dark Side?

Nouriel Roubini, normally the voice of prudence, makes a marked shift in his latest post, “Fiscal versus Monetary Solutions to the Subprime Crisis. ” He sympathizes with those like Bill Gross of Pimco who call on the federal government to rescue mortgage borrowers at risk of losing their homes:

Bill Gross…is now proposing the creation of a fiscal institution …. to resolve the subprime credit problems. While this may sound as a fiscal bailout of borrowers (and by default of lenders) the alternative… is destructive home price deflation (as much as 10% fall in home prices…) and million of homeowners ending up in foreclosure. Folks at Goldman Sachs are actually predicting that home prices will fall as much as 15%…

Larry Summers… correctly argues…that in situations of severe credit distress it is important to be pragmatic rather than religious on issues of moral hazard…

Dean Baker wants to help the victims (the subprime borrowers in his view) rather than the reckless lenders (the “bloated bankers); so he is suggesting changes in foreclosure rules to allow moderate and low-income homeowners to remain in their homes indefinitely as renters.

A number of authors – including analysts at BNP – have argued a fiscal solution is needed and that government sponsored agencies should be allowed to purchase more conforming loans.

Even the Bush Administration, that has opposed suggestions to have Fannie and Freddie expand their mortgage portfolios, is now suggesting that Federal Home Administration could help distressed borrowers….

[T]here is now a new and increasing recognition that severe credit and financial distress problems cannot be resolved with monetary policy alone…. The prospect of home prices falling 10 to 15% and two million plus home owners losing their homes is – rightly – becoming a political issue.

Now let me stress I have a great deal of respect for Roubini and normally am on the same page as he is. And he may be correct that the political consensus is moving in the direction of Throw Money At This Problem.

I am probably being harsh because I have read too many calls to action, most of which have not given much (any?) thought to how their proposals might work on a practical level.

But Roubini lumps a whole variety of ideas together, some of which (Gross’s in particular) are just plain barmy (and for the record, the RTC bears little resemblance to what Gross is suggesting, except that it required a ton of money).

Before we discuss these recommendations, let’s address the big flaw in Roubini’s argument:

The prospect of home prices falling 10 to 15% and two million plus home owners losing their homes is – rightly – becoming a political issue

First, I had searched the logical suspect financial news sites, plus Google News and Google Blogs, and haven’t found a source for this “two million will lose their homes” factoid (this is the only reference I’ve seen besides Gross, which is hardly a well recognized source and cites unnamed studies).

I’ve seen other formulations, such as The Center for Responsible Lending saying that 2.2 million ARM mortgages will reset in the next two years. “Reset” does not mean “lose your home,” and “2.2 million” is clearly the high end of a range of estimates. Senator Christopher Dodd may be responsible for the recasting of The Center for Responsible Lending data. The Financial Times reported that he stated that 2.2 million (hhm, the very same number) could lose their homes in the next few years.

It’s one thing for a politician to take liberties with data. I would hope Gross and Roubini would hold themselves to a higher standard. And if I am wrong and there is a source that says over two million are likely to lose their homes (as opposed to face a reset and accompanying financial stress), I’d like to see it. I could have missed something, since I don’t have access to certain databases and search tools, but information like this usually shows up on the Web.

Nevertheless, the specter of “two million plus” losing their homes has become established fact.

The most granular analysis I’ve seen on mortgage resets (and I stress granular, it’s a very detailed analysis using two massive mortgage databases) is by one Chris Cagan of American CoreLogic, which projected 1.1 million foreclosures over 6-7 years. That’s bad but not catastrophic. Admittedly, things have gotten worse since the time of his estimate (March, when subprimes had already been under stress for a while), but I doubt if they are 2 times as bad. And most important, these losses are spread over time. Even if the total in the end is 2 million, it’s one thing if that happens in 2008-2009 versus over 6-7 years. The housing market will be better able to absorb the impact, as will the greater economy. But that 2 million number is becoming fact, and it’s being treated as if those defaults will hit all at once like a financial tsunami.

In keeping, the prospect of a 10% to 15% fall in house prices is being treated as if it would constitute the end of the world. Yet as we pointed out, quite a few economies have endured 25% or more housing price falls. They did not go into an economic black hole. They had short bad recessions.

The fear of recession in this country has gotten so bad that the Economist ran a story this week arguing that America needs a recession. I have no doubt they did that mainly to be provocative, but the horrified reactions from some quarters proves the point. This fear of recessions, and tendency to paint a recession in the dark colors of a depression, is dangerous and distorts policy decisions.

Now it would be fair to argue that a housing recession, given how leveraged the financial system is, will deepen an already careening deleveraging and could do real damage to the financial system. That would be consistent with Roubini’s world view, and would justify more radical measures. However, he didn’t make that case.

Now mind you, I am not saying we should do nothing, but a large scale bailout of homeowners, as I’ve argued elsewhere at considerable length, is a bad idea from the standpoint of equity and efficiency.

But there are some things worth doing. The real problem is that the thing that would be the most effective and surgical (the numbers 4 and 5 on this list) are the most difficult to implement (but vastly easier than acquiring 2 million mortgages and renegotiating them!).

1. Borrowers who were defrauded by lenders should get relief, ideally from the perp (and it is probably easiest if it also comes out of the hide of investors who bought securities with assets originated by the perp, although I am open to comments and ideas on this front. This notion would encourage much greater investor due diligence on sourcing methods).

I am all in favor of severe punishments. Organizations that institutionalized fraudulent activities should be fined out of existence. If four of the former Big Eight accounting firms perished due to their misdeeds, why should mortgage lenders get better treatment?

2. I have not thought about it deeply, but having Fannie and Freddie step up their activities is probably a good idea. Banks swing wildly from overoptimism to excessive caution, and there are signs they are now overly stringent with creditworthy borrowers.

3. Mortgage brokers and other consumer mortgage originators need to be regulated on the same footing as banks, as far as their disclosure standards are concerned, and all should be subject to tougher consumer protection requirements.

4. The best way to salvage financially stressed homeowners is via loan modifications. In the stone ages of finance when banks not only made loans but kept them, banks would when possible restructure a mortgage rather than foreclose (note that all borrowers cannot be salvaged, but banks in general were pretty good at judging who could make it).

What has screwed that up in our Brave New World of finance is that mortgage servicers are now responsible for managing the relationship with borrowers on behalf of the investors in the mortgage paper. Because the servicer has every reason to keep the borrower alive (they keep earning their servicing fees), most indentures on mortgage securitizations restrict the servicer ability to do loan “mods.” Some prohibit them altogether; others limit them, say, to 5% of the pool, which if a pool has a lot of subprime and/or Alt-A, is too low a ceiling in the current environment

The problem is that it isn’t easy to waive a magic wand and lift mod restrictions across the board. I am told the mortgage indentures are governed by state law, which means you’d need new legislation in the states where the big servicers are domiciled.

5. The last bit of borrower relief is to treat the mortgage debt of individuals who declare bankruptcy the same as corporations. As Credit Slips explained:

If a corporation can no longer afford the mortgage on its factory, it has powerful tools to rewrite the mortgage in bankruptcy. But if a homeowner is in exactly the same trouble following an interest rate hike, those same tools are unavailable….

MA company that cannot pay its mortgage can declare Chapter 11 and do two things: 1) separate the mortgage into its secured and unsecured portions (called bifurcation), and 2) pay the secured portion at current market rates under a new mortgage and discharge the unsecured portion. So, for example, a $1.2 million mortgage at 12% on a factory worth only $1 million will be bifurcated into a $1 million secured mortgage at, say, 7% interest, and the remaining $.2 million can be discharged. The economic insight behind permitting this move is that the mortgage company will get 100% of the value of the property paid over time, which is a LOT better than the much lower amount it would get in foreclosure. The second insight is that this is precisely the risk the lender took: that the property would decline in value and the debtor couldn’t pay. The Chapter 11 bankruptcy forces the lender to revalue the mortgage to the actual market value of the collateral.

But notice: If a homeowner can no longer afford her mortgage, the homeowner can declare bankruptcy and get rid of the credit card debt and doctor bills, but she cannot force the lender to write down the mortgage to the value of the home or to accept payments at the current market rate. All the homeowner gets is the right to make up past-due payments–in full, with interest. So, for example, a $120,000 mortgage at 12% on a home worth only $100,000 must be paid in full at 12%. In other words, homeowners get a lot less protection in bankruptcy than do businesses.

Giving individual mortgage borrowers the same treatment as corporations would reduce the need for federal bailouts, make sure right people took the pain (investors who chose to buy in mortgage paper, rather than taxpayers) and be vastly cheaper than creating a new federal bureaucracy.

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, housing, Politics | Comments Off on Do We Need to Bail Out Homeowners? (Nouriel Roubini Edition)

Larry Summers’ Unanswered Questions

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism submits:

Today, in a comment at the Financial Times, “This is where Freddie and Fannie step in” (subscription required), Harvard’s Larry Summers argued that the subprime crisis highlights three questions. Most commentators focused on the one question he not only posed but answered, namely, what role government should play in aiding the flow of credit to the housing sector. Summary: while Summers is dubious about the wisdom of how Freddie Mac, Fannie Mae et al. have operated, he thinks they have a legitimate role when to play when mortgage funding becomes scarce.

I find Summers’ unanswered questions more interesting:

First, this crisis has been propelled by a loss of confidence in ratings agencies as large amounts of debt that had been very highly rated has proven very risky and headed towards default. There is room for debate over whether the errors of the ratings agencies stem from a weak analysis of complex new credit instruments, or from the conflicts induced when debt issuers pay for their ratings and can shop for the highest rating. But there is no room for doubt that – as in previous financial crises involving Mexico, Asia and Enron – the ratings agencies dropped the ball. In light of this, should bank capital standards or countless investment guidelines be based on ratings? What is the alternative? Sarbanes-Oxley was a possibly flawed response to the problems Enron highlighted in corporate accounting. What, if any, legislative response is appropriate to address the ratings concerns?

Second, how should policymakers address crises centred on non-financial institutions? A premise of the US financial system is that banks accept much closer supervision in return for access to the Federal Reserve’s payments system and discount window. The problem this time is not that banks lack capital or cannot fund themselves. It is that the solvency of a range of non-banks is in question, both because of concerns about their economic fundamentals and because of cascading liquidations as investors who lose confidence in them seek to redeem their money and move into safer, more liquid investments. Central banks that seek to instill confidence by lending to banks, or reducing their cost of borrowing, may, as the saying goes, be pushing on a string. Is it wise to push banks to become public financial utilities in times of crisis? Should there be more lending and/or regulation of the non-bank financial institutions?

To Summers’ first question on what to do about the rating agencies, the answer is that the options are few and not very attractive. You can’t get rid of ratings and you can’t get rid of the rating agencies we have.

Credit ratings are tightly wound into regulations and investment processes. Ratings are used in domestic and international bank capital adequacy standards, pension fund and insurance investment standards, even in the Fed’s definition of acceptable types of collateral for discount window purposes. Similarly, credit ratings are fundamental to bond pricing. Traders and investors routinely look at the spread over Treasuries, that is the number of basis points over the comparable risk-free rate investors are paying to assume a certain level of credit risk.

If we were to get rid of credit ratings, we’d have to replace them with something that served exactly the same function.

Similarly, like it or not, we are stuck with our current rating agencies. In the wake of 2002 corporate accounting scandals, some large accounting firms had to be allowed to survive, no matter how bad their malfeasance proved to be, because the workings of our capitalist system require audits of large companies, and only large accounting firms can perform that function. Smaller firms could not step into that breach.

Ditto the rating agencies, except what will prove more galling as this sorry sage progresses is that the rating agencies are so few in number, which has the effect of giving them a free pass. We cannot afford to have a public execution of one of them to satisfy the public’s need for justice and instill a little fear into the others. Any legislation that provided for penalties even an order of magnitude lower than the losses they caused would put them all out of business.

Accordingly, Summers mentioned Sarbox. The best policymakers can do is give the rating agencies tougher guidelines, restrict them from playing a quasi-underwriting role (they worked fist in glove with investment bankers in structuring asset backed securities) and perhaps establish much greater penalties for issuers that provide incomplete or misleading data to rating agencies. All in all, not a very satisfactory solution.

Summers’ second question is worded oddly (“how should policymakers address crises centred on non-financial institutions?”) I think he means “financial non-institutions”, players that are not subject to oversight by the Fed or the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency but whose actions can and do have a big impact on regulated banks. That isn’t just hedge funds. Investment banks, which are regulated by the SEC, can also tank the banking system (that’s precisely why the Fed rounded up 24 firms, most of which were not under its regulatory oversight, to stem the collapse of LTCM).

Another way to put it is that financial intermediation used to happen almost entirely through the banking system. Individuals and companies put their deposits with banks, which then used them to make loans. Only very big companies used the capital markets for debt finance.

But since 1980, banks have been losing market share in financial intermediation to investment banks. US banks now hold only 15% of non-farm financial debt.

Now recall that the banking regulators oversee players that have become more and more peripheral over the last 25 years. Note that this limited scope impedes their understanding. The Fed kept assuring the public that the Brave New World of financial innovation was working just fine. What basis could they have had for such rosy views?

For example, in a March 2007 speech, New York Fed president Timothy Geithner essentially admitted the Fed and other regulators lacked a complete, or even good, picture of what was happening. His argument boiled down to,”Our current structure and distribution of risks is outside the bounds of anything in financial history. We can muster some arguments as to why this should be OK, and so far, it has been OK.” This quote was telling:

….these broad changes in financial markets may have contributed to a system where the probability of a major crisis seems likely to be lower, but the losses associated with such a crisis may be greater or harder to mitigate.

Those fat tails will get you every time.

The good news, is, as Summers stressed, these issues are now on the table. Regulation will increasingly be seen as necessary and desirable, so long as it is not done to excess.

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, hedge funds, Politics, regulation | Comments Off on Larry Summers’ Unanswered Questions

Bear Liquidation May Create New Woes for Hedge Funds

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism submits:

Bloomberg tells us a judge is questioning the legal domicile of the failed Bear funds for bankruptcy purposes:

A federal judge refused to grant permanent protection from U.S. lawsuits for Bear Stearns Cos.’ two bankrupt hedge funds, questioning whether the Cayman Islands should be the principal site of their liquidation.

U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Burton Lifland in New York today said he “will issue a decision in the next week to 10 days” on whether Bear Stearns picked the proper jurisdiction for the funds, whose assets are mostly located in New York.

Lifland denied Bear Stearns’s request for permanent protection from U.S. lawsuits as it liquidates the funds in the Cayman Islands, saying he needed more time to consider the matter. He banned any such suits while he deliberates….

Under Chapter 15 law, a bankrupt company must show a foreign liquidation is a “center of main interest” to qualify in some cases for a ban on lawsuits in the U.S. Bear Stearns failed to prove that in today’s hearing, Lifland said.

Now most funds are not planning to go bankrupt, but the prospect of being subject to US securities litigation is ugly indeed. And some hedge funds who never imagined it would happen to them are at risk.

Wonder how many New York and Fairfield County hedgies who set themselves up in the Caymans or other overseas jurisdictions are now worrying about the wisdom of their legal structures.

When it rains, it pours…..

Posted in hedge funds, law | Comments Off on Bear Liquidation May Create New Woes for Hedge Funds

The Falling Price of Luxury Cars

If Jaguar slashed the price of its cars by 75%, demand would go through the

roof. So what’s going to happen now Ford is slashing the price of Jaguar?

It’s interesting to see how the price of Jaguar and Land Rover has evolved

in press reports since they came

on the block in June. Back then, the asking price was reportedly in the

neighborhood of £3 billion, which is $6 billion. A sale at that level

would at least recoup Ford’s initial investment in the marques – it

bought Jaguar for $2.5 billion in 1989 and Land Rover for $2.75 billion in 2000

– although of course Ford has pumped a lot of money into both brands since

it bought them.

Fast-forward to Friday, when Roland Gribben of the Daily Telegraph reported

that "Ford is facing pressure to lower its sights on the asking price".

He didn’t say what the new price would be, but did say that "analysts feel

Ford may have to settle for less than the £1.5bn it is believed to be

seeking for the marques." That’s $3 billion, for those of you keeping track

at home.

And today, the Wall Street Journal starts throwing around some much

lower figures still:

The acquisition, which could cost more than $1 billion…

With Jaguar and Land Rover burdened by unfavorable exchange rates, a relatively

high cost base in the U.K. and potentially expensive new environmental regulations,

some analysts are skeptical of Ford’s ability to command a hefty price for

them. Merrill Lynch & Co. estimated earlier this year that the combined

sale of the Jaguar and Land Rover brands would raise $1.3 billion to $1.5

billion.

It’s worth remembering that in March, the marques were not for sale at all;

now, it seems, Ford is so desperate to offload them that it will accept a relative

pittance for them.

It is true that it’s hard to imagine an environmentally-friendly Jaguar or

Land Rover. But luxury in general, as an asset class, is doing very well these

days. That said, anecdotal evidence from a week spent on and around Lake Como

suggests that Porsche seems to be the marque of choice among well-heeled Europeans.

Maybe the trick is just to make a narrower car, which will maneuver

more easily around the cobblestone streets of Cernobbio or the City of London.

Posted in M&A | Comments Off on The Falling Price of Luxury Cars

Extreme Measures II: Gillian Tett at the Financial Times

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism submits:

Recently, we’ve noticed a new theme among economics writers: Extreme Measures.

Commentators have looked toward the end of the road we are on and fear it leads to a precipice. Hence the calls for radical course correction.

Paul Krugman and Bill Gross of Pimco, each of whom proposed large scale rescues of homeowners at risk of default, were the first cases we noticed.

But what really caught our attention was Gillian Tett of the Financial Times proposing drastic measures, albeit to deal with a different, but equally serious problem, namely, that markets are seizing up due to subprime risk.

Normally, risk does not pose an overwhelming problem to financial markets; au contraire, it’s their bread and butter. But in this case, the risks have been sliced and recomposed into other instruments and distributed around the world. No one is certain who has subprime exposure, and because these subprime loans are often components of very complex, illiquid instruments, no one is sure how much (or more to the point, how much less) they are worth.

Let us stress, we cannot say enough good things about Tett. We’ve sung her praises before, and consider her to be the best source on the markets (although her FT colleagues John Authers and John Dizard are also insightful). So to see her offer up an idea that while it may be directionally correct, is badly misguided in its details, is worrisome indeed.

It suggests that someone as knowledgeable and plugged in as she is thinks we really are in a mess but can’t come up with a realistic way out.

Here’s what she said:

One is the fact that nobody quite knows exactly where the subprime losses truly lie…

But the second problem is that nobody knows the real value of these instruments either…

Common sense would suggest the best way to deal with these two problems would be to take two steps: namely inject more transparency into the system, by encouraging institutions to reveal their exposures, and then encourage financial institutions to create a proper market to trade the assets, and thus determine a price…

Right now, it is probably relatively easy to guess at what a simple subprime loan might be worth.

However, working out the values for associated derivatives, or derivatives of derivatives, of these loans, is far harder…. investment banks say it can take entire weekends for their computers to value instruments such as collateralised debt obligations…

So is there any solution to all this? One option would be to simply wait and hope that eventually a new wave of bottom fishers will emerge….

More specifically, some policymakers now suspect that one key to rebuilding confidence would be to find ways of ripping apart some of these fiendishly complex structures, so that the constituent components can be clarified and traded again. Structured products, in other words, may need to be restructured into less . . . er . . . structured formats.

This endeavour will not be simple. Nor will it be painless. After all, if you unwind CDOs, say, it tends to trigger securities sales, further depressing prices. But high finance is a world where innovation is supposed to pay, and presumably it is not beyond the wit of the financial wizards who created these complex products to invent ways of taking them apart.

Uum, there are at least three big problems with this idea.

First, let’s go over, at a very high concept level, what a CDO is. You take a bunch of financial assets that pay income, like mortgages, but can and more often does include tranches of mortgage backed securities and God knows what else. You put them a legal entity. You then set up rules for how principal and interest payments are allocated to expenses (oh yeah, investors have to pay to keep the puppy running) and to the various classes of holders (those called “tranches”). You do some voodoo to make sure the tippy top tranche gets an AAA rating (that usually involved overcollateralization, the purchase of insurance from a third party insurer like Ambac, or credit default swaps).

So you have different holders with different economic interests in this entity. To unwind it, you have to pay them out, either in cash or collateral, or perhaps via paper in a new entity.

To do that you have to make a determination as to what those classes are worth relative to each other. That means you have to value them, at least on a relative basis.

But the whole problem that we were trying to solve to begin with was that no one is certain to value this paper. But unwinding it presupposes some sort of valuation.

The second issue is that unwinding these vehicles would be a nightmarish task. If it takes a weekend to value some of them, how long would it take to come up with a restructuring plan? Now because absolutely no one gets to see the documents on these deals (I am not making that up, the regulators can’t demand them) I can’t be certain, but I assume any modification in terms would require a waiver or other approval from the investors (God only knows what the threshold for approval is and what voting rights the various classes have. A buddy sent me a link to the indenture of one REMIC, which is the most plain vanilla version of tranched MBS; the underlying assets are mortgages. It required the consent of 2/3 of the investors in each class to change the terms). Per the relative value question we raised in 1, you get into the ugly question of “class warfare,” that the different classes can have divergent economic interests.

And you have another wrinkle: fooling with the CDOs ripples back to the credit default swaps market. Some complaints and threats of litigation arose during the Bear Stearns subprime-related hedge funds crisis, alleging that Bear was self-dealing by removing or modifying mortgages from certain instruments. It appeared the issue was these moves improved the credit quality of the CDO, which would lead to losses on the part of CDS holders who would benefit if the CDO did worse, not better. (Note that Tanta at Calculated Risk dug deeply into this issue and was frustrated, both at the lack of specificity of the charges by the allegedly wronged parties, and by reporters not having a good enough grasp of the terminology. Bottom line: someone who knows this area pretty well was still largely in the dark). So you might even have CDS holders suing to block unwindings.

So that is a long winded way of saying that getting any unwinding approved is a huge task.

Third is who pays for this? Any restructuring is, per all that has preceded, a very big undertaking. It will take a lot of investment banker and law firm effort, maybe even (quel horreur) rating agency time. None is a charitable organization.

I don’t see how anyone makes enough dough for this to be worth their while. And if they did, it would be at the expense of the poor investor chumps who are already under water.

But Tett was on to something with her notion of trying to get bottom feeders to start acquiring CDO tranches. But what could be done to facilitate that?

The problem with my notions is that they are likely still too small to make enough of a difference, yet woud require some clever regulatory footwork, or blackmail, to get the needed cooperation.

As Tett stressed. the barrier to anyone making headway is the lack of knowledge of who holds what and what those deals consist of.

Now if I were a bottom fisher, I’d want to have some decision rules as to what sort of paper might be attractive. Since I’d be doing price discovery, I’d look only at deals that didn’t have too much embedded leverage (that would rule out CDO squared and cubed, and there might be quick screens you could do on regular CDOs). To do that, you need deal documents (you can’t do this bit with a spreadsheet, you’d screen for certain structural elements and then start analyzing the subset that looked promising). “Qualified investors” can obtain them, but it’s a nuisance to ring around to get them (and you may encounter resistance if you don’t have an existing brokerage relationship with the firm that handled deals you’d like to screen. Note that the high barriers to getting these documents make it impossible for third party analysts to play a role).

Thus it seems that a minimum requirement is for the regulators to compel the underwriters, who are all investment banks, to disgorge their offering documents.

Now let’s assume I found a few deals that looked like they might have some tranches that I’d be willing to make offers on. How would I find people to whom to make such offers? Golly gee, that very same underwriter who developed the deal documents (well technically it was the entity who made the offering that is legally responsible, but let’s not kid ourselves as to who was pulling the strings) would know who bought the paper initially. And if someone wanted to trade this paper, the very first place they’d go first is the bank that handled the offering initially.

You see where this is going. Yes, the paper that was retranched (typically the BBB to B layers) are likely to have disappeared into other entities that will make it hard to trace. But most of the value of these deals was in the AAA tranche. That is unlikely to have retraded, and if it did, it is quite probable that the originating investment bank executed the trade. My belief is that equity tranches don’t trade, so the likelihood is that they are with their original holders.

That means that the Street, collectively, probably has a handle on where a fair bit of this paper sits, more than press reports would lead one to believe (mind you, the CDS written on CDOs, and then sometimes bundled into synthetic CDOs, are another matter entirely, but what we are talking about here is starting a price discovery process that hopefully moves up the food chain). So why are they not letting on that they know more than they pretend to know?

Aaah, the Street has a lot to lose with price discovery. Remember, in the first stage of the Bear subprime-related hedge fund collapse, the Wall Street firms first seized the collateral. Then they realized that if they liquidated the funds, the prices realized would not only be lousy but it would force a remarking of similar paper. That means they’d have to mark down the value of similar collateral, much of which is rumored to sit with hedge funds, which would require them to put up more cash or collateral, which in most cases would require them to sell assets, which would lead to downward price pressure on whatever they sold, leading to further markdowns on collateral and more forced sales. Hello meltdown.

So the Wall Street firms decided the better course of action was to gang up on Bear and make it solve the problem.

Now this remedy is probably inadequate. Even though a big chunk of the value of the initial CDO lies in the AAA tranches, enough of that probably trades for dealers and interested buyers to have decent marks on it. It’s the lower rated tranches that show the effects of embedded leverage more (meaning they are harder to value), and were more often resecuritized (which makes the next-gen instruments vastly harder to value and difficult to locate).

But this discussion nevertheless highlights the basic dilemma: the parties who are in the best position to facilitate price discovery have every reason to impede that process. And I doubt that the regulators have enough will to force them to cooperate.

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, hedge funds, housing, regulation | Comments Off on Extreme Measures II: Gillian Tett at the Financial Times

Willem Buiter on How Central Bankers Are Co-Opted

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

A reader pointed me to Willem Buiter’s blog, and it is a real find. For those who haven’t heard about him, he (along with Anne Siber) has proposed a rethinking of central bankers’ roles in times of crisis, arguing that they should serve as market makers of the last resort.

One reason to read Buiter, aside from the intrinsic merit of his ideas, is that he is almost certain to capture the attention of policy makers (although they may be loath to admit it, since Buiter is blunt and often highly critical of current practice). But Buiter has the sort of blue-chip economics/regulatory credentials that mean he can’t be dismissed easily.

In his current post, “Central banks and the financial sector: a complex relationship,” Buiter hones in on the thorny relationship between regulators and their charges.

Regulators often face conflicting directives: while they have to make sure the public at large’s interests are served, they also are responsible for assuring that the institutions they oversee are healthy. Where to draw the line between societal and industry interests is often a judgment call. Buiter points out how the deck in the financial services industry is stacked in favor of the regulated (we’ve seen similar issues come up with the Food and Drug Administration, which critics feel has been too easy on Big Pharma).

With all due respect to Buiter, there is one issue he omits, namely, that in the end, the industry understands its business better than the regulators do. That was not always the case. When change moved at a slower pace, the overseers often had better insight by virtue of looking at practices across many players.

Now, particularly in industries like financial services that feature rapid product and process innovation, regulators are constantly in catch-up mode. In the US, this limitation is further compounded by the fact that the real action is taking place in institutions that for the most part are beyond the Fed’s reach.

Thus, when the industry comes in and tells regulators that they’ve gotten something all wrong, the authorities have to take that view seriously. And of course, the industry, having better data about its own activities than outsiders can readily muster, is generally able to make a persuasive case, or at least muddy the waters considerably.

Some of Buiter’s observations echo those of Jim Grant in today’s New York Times , but Buiter also notes that Wall Street seems to be an example of market failure, since compensation bears little resemblance to the value of the contribution to society.

That last issue is easy to explain. It’s called barriers to entry…..

Buiter concludes that there is little one can do to remedy this situation, save locating central bankers far away from a nation’s financial capital and making sure that the top echelon is not dominated by those who think the universe revolves around financial markets.

Posted in regulation | Comments Off on Willem Buiter on How Central Bankers Are Co-Opted

Extreme Measures I: Bill Gross at Pimco

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

We’ve noticed a new theme among economics writers: Extreme Measures.

Commentators have suddenly looked into the abyss, either of the depth of the US subprime/housing problem or the progressing credit crunch that has already caused a seize up in the money markets, and are proposing radical courses of action.

Our first sighting was Paul Krugman, who in a departure from his normally sound policy proposals, said the Federal government should rescue victims of the housing bubble via buying up mortgages at a discount and renegotiating terms with stressed borrowers (he did at least admit this would require a tremendous amount of lawyering and said he was open to other means to achieve this end).

This week, we heard a broadly similar proposal from Bill Gross, chief investment officer of fund manager Pimco, which makes him one of biggest bond buyers in the world. He’s not afraid to take strong views; in one of his recent letters to investors, for example, he declared Moody’s and Standard & Poors to have been duped by ” the makeup, those six-inch hooker heels and a `tramp stamp,'” of wayward collateralized debt obligations, the complex instruments that have been distributed over the globe, many with subprime exposures.

In this month’s letter, Gross, like Krugman, calls for a rescue of beleaguered homeowners:

But should markets be stabilized, the fundamental question facing policy makers becomes, “what to do about the housing market?” Granted a certain dose of market discipline in the form of lower prices might be healthy, but market forecasters currently project over two million defaults before this current cycle is complete. The resultant impact on housing prices is likely to be close to -10%, an asset deflation in the U.S. never seen since the Great Depression….70% of American households are homeowners, and now many of those that bought homes in 2005-2007 stand a good chance of resembling passengers on the Poseidon – upside down with negative equity….

The ultimate solution, it seems to me, must not emanate from the bowels of Fed headquarters on Constitution Avenue, but from the West Wing of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Fiscal, not monetary policy should be the preferred remedy, one scaling Rooseveltian proportions emblematic of the RFC, or perhaps to be more current, the RTC in the early 1990s when the government absorbed the bad debts of the failing savings and loan industry. Why is it possible to rescue corrupt S&L buccaneers in the early 1990s and provide guidance to levered Wall Street investment bankers during the 1998 LTCM crisis, yet throw 2,000,000 homeowners to the wolves in 2007? If we can bail out Chrysler, why can’t we support the American homeowner?

It’s hard to know where to go with this, but let’s deal with a few inaccuracies first and then get to the gist of the argument.

Gross has rewritten a good chunk of financial history. The US did bail out Chrysler, but not at any explicit cost to the taxpayer. The government guaranteed a Chrysler bond issue, and orchestrated a cram-down of other Chrysler creditors. That was a one-off in the middle of the worst recession since the Depression.

As for the Resolution Trust Corporation, that entity came into existence not to line the pockets of S&L buccaneers but to liquidate failed S&Ls in a orderly fashion. Let me stress that point: failed. The US government was on the hook for payouts to depositors, since these banks were members of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. The RTC had conflicting objectives: to minimize its burn rate (it took working capital and walking around money to manage the assets the RTC absorbed), maximize returns, get the assets sold as quickly as possible (the overhang of bad thrift assets, particularly real estate, was a threat to sound institutions in the same geographic area as the failed thrifts). The RTC came to be criticized by both Democratic and Republican Congressmen, but in retrospect, most observers think it did a good job in handling a huge and highly politicized task.

And the Gross puts a peculiar spin on the Fed’s role in the LTCM crisis. As recounted by Roger Lowenstein in his book, “When Genius Failed,” LTCM had invited Peter Fisher, the head of the New York Fed’s trading desk, to look at its badly under-water positions (everyone on the Street at this point knew the hedge fund was on the ropes). Fisher quickly recognized that things were so bad that an LTCM meltdown could lead to a collapse of the markets. Over the next couple of days, Fisher ascertained that LTCM’s counterparties understood the risk and were willing to bail the firm out, but none would take the risk of being the initiator. Thus the role fell to the Fed. The Fed did not participate in the negotiations among the firms; it merely set the stage.

So RTC was a new organization to deal with a mess that was already in the government’s lap; the the Chrysler and LTCM initiatives did not involve hard costs to the taxpayer. None is a precedent for the sort of move Gross advocates.

Now to the merits of his proposal. Generally, economists look at equity and efficiency. Quite often, policy-makers must trade one off against another. But if a proposal gives you neither more equity nor improved efficiency, that suggests you should go back to the drawing board. Gross’s idea fails both tests.

Gross says, without any proof, that a 10% fall in housing prices would tank the economy and wipe out household nest eggs. It’s worth remembering that until roughly the mid-1990s, people bought houses because it was cheaper (all in) and safer than renting. Once you paid off that mortgage, real estate taxes and other expenses were low. Historically, people didn’t look to downsize in retirement and live off the proceeds; the advantage of home ownership was that the high-cost period when you had mortgage payments coincided with your peak earning years.

In other words, the ides of “home as financial asset” is a very recent, and dubious notion. Robert Shiller tells us that housing prices since 1890 (no typo) have appreciated 0.4% a year. Historically, a CD has been a better store of value than a house.

But more important, what Gross calls for is a massive redistribution from taxpayers as a whole to people who bought near the peak of the bubble. The blogger Cassandra gives her take:

I think it is a noble thing indeed to rescue the home-owning people and so save America from errrr itself(?!?). But which home-owning people? Are two-home-owning people more deserving of a life-buoy than than one who owns but as single home? …..Are the folk who bought stupid interest-only low-teaser-rate mortgages more deserving than the ones who simply paid too much and find themselves in negative equity? Should we save those that patriotically took out home equity loans following 9-11 in order to spend as they saw their patriotic duty? Or should we “save” those who continually withdrew equity from their homes to cruise the world or buy a plasma TV, such that, like Icarus, they simple consumed too close to the sun?!? What about the people, who deserved the good life, and in whose pursuit deserving stretched to buy an extra 2000sq ft with pool, 3-car garage, and gallery ceilings, leaving no wiggle room for the inevitable “shit” that all-too-often happens in the course of life….

But I will ask the question: Are not the savers deserving too? Perhaps the savers should unite and ask the government to provide them with some redemption for the lax fiscal policy and negative real interest rates that have spawned inflation in the real basket of goods and services one uses and consumes each day. It IS perverse justice that the prudent one’s who save for a rainy day, and consider wisely, the possibility that something might upset the best laid of plans, and so do NOT borrow 6-times their income on absurd luxury that the less wise did, and who as a result were so stretched they could not afford to landscape in the first instance, nor now they can afford the energy to heat or cool the royal waste of space. Where is culpability or responsibility?

So much for equity.

As for efficiency, consider what Gross is really suggesting. Cut to the chase, he wants to arrest the fall of a housing bubble through massive government expenditures. Let’s look at what has happened in other countries that had large declines in real estate prices.

The housing recession of the early 1990s was far worse overseas…..

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the United Kingdom, Finland, Norway, and Sweden experienced peak to trough falls in prices of greater than 25 per cent. Sharper falls have been observed in some South and East Asian economies over the 1990s, particularly in Hong Kong and Japan.

….yet despite Gross invoking the specter of the Depression, these economies suffered only short, nasty recessions. UK GDP fell 2.5% in 1991 and 0.5% in 1992.. According to NATO, Finland had a steeper fall because its contraction was caused by economic overheating, depressed foreign markets, and the dismantling of the barter system between Finland and the former Soviet Union under which Soviet oil and gas had been exchanged for Finnish manufactured goods. Thus its fall in housing prices was more a consequence than a cause of its recession. Sweden similarly suffered from disruption of its trade relationship with the former USSR. Hong Kong has enjoyed high growth and volatile real estate prices, but the only year it had negative GDP growth was 1998, the year after its reunification with the mainland, when it suffered a major capital flight.

So while these economies all have different structures than the US, their experience nevertheless suggests that even severe housing recessions do not inflict long-term damage. I’d very much like to hear the views of those who have studied the international record more deeply, but this quick survey suggests the price of a housing recession is a sharp but short-lived real economy contraction.

Japan is the one example of an economy which socialized the costs of its bubble economy rather than have its citizens and institutions take too much pain. Recall that its housing and real estate bubbles of the late 1980s were far worse than ours. The Nikkei was 39,000 at its peak in 1989 (its recent high nearly 20 years later was only 18,000). A Tokyo luxury apartment (3 bedrooms, roughly 1100 square feet) in Hiroo Garden Hills in 1989 was worth $5 million (roughly $7.5 million in current dollars). Commercial real estate in Tokyo was if anything more inflated and Japanese banks, which did not do cash flow lending, would lend 100% against fictitious land values (for a host of reasons, mainly punitive taxes and an extreme attachment to real estate, central Tokyo real estate almost never traded).

Now the sheer magnitude of Japan’s bubble probably did make too much harsh medicine an unrealistic option. Most economists attribute Japan’s anemic growth of the 1990s to a combination of borderline deflation and the impact of an aging population. But keeping bank assets tied up in bad loans has also played a role. It wasn’t until 1995, for example, that the Ministry of Finance deviated from its “no failure” policy and allowed some small insolvent institutions to close and not until 1997 that the insolvencyy of the fourth largest securities firm, Yamaichi, forced MOF to accept a more Darwinian model. A recent Economist article states that it has taken the banks 17 years to work off the bad debts. But my Japanese colleagues point out that the cost of being preoccupied that long with workouts is that the skill level of Japanese financial institutions is behind that of Western firms. Now that they are free to compete, finally, they will find it an uphill battle.

Japan provides a warning in another respect: if the powers that be take steps that have the effect of keeping our bubble going, we may hit the point, like Japan, that we have to socialize the losses, that the costs of an unraveling are too high. But Japan had the luxury of sorting itself out at a time when the rest of the world was experiencing solid growth. And cynics point out that it may have served Japan to play up its image as a basket case, so as to keep the West from getting upset at its chronic trade surpluses.

But now, the bubble isn’t just in a few asset classes in a couple of (admittedly large) economies. Thanks to greater integration of financial markets, asset inflation is substantial and involves more countries and asset classes. If we keep rolling it forward and eventually, collectively, have to socialize the costs of an even greater unwind, who will be left to be an engine of growth?

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, housing, regulation | Comments Off on Extreme Measures I: Bill Gross at Pimco

Dispelling the Myth of Low Unemployment

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

Doing some weekend catch-up, and a reader pointed me to a very good post by Barry Ritholtz, which confirms something I’ve believed but haven’t gone to the trouble to prove, namely, that unemployment is much higher than the government releases would have one believe.

Full disclosure: I’m skeptical of quite a few government stats: GDP (badly tainted by hedonic adjustments), inflation (calculation methods revised in the 1990s which reduced annual reported CPI roughly 0.5%, which lowers Social Security and other CPI benefit adjustments; Ritholtz has been active on this beat), and more recently, job creation figures.

As Ritholtz says,

Anyone with more than 4 functioning brain cells should be able to figure out that a 4.5% unemployment rate would be causing huge labor shortages and wage increases.

On a macro level, if unemployment were as low as 4.5%, labor would have more bargaining power, which is inconsistent with widely reported stagnant wages.

On a micro level (yes, this is anecdotal), there are way way too many people over 40 who are un- or underemployed, or “retired” at a modest level when they’d rather be working. If you lose that corporate meal ticket, it is an long way down. In most cases, mid to senior corporate employees and professionals have narrow skills that can only be deployed in roles similar to the one they lost. And companies are onservative in how they hire (another sign of a slack labor market, since if it were hard to find workers, they’d have to accept employees who were a less than exact fit).

One of many tidbits from the other end of the employment spectrum: over 5000 people applied for 300 jobs at Apple’s new Fifth Avenue store in Manhattan. Now perhaps many of them were employed in retail elsewhere and wanted what they thought was a kinder and cooler environment, but no matter how you dress it up, this is a on-your-feet-all-day, low-end job. Note that other large store openings in the New York metro area get similar overwhelming responses even though the BLS says the unemployment rate here is on par with the national level.

Back to Ritholtz:

So long as we are popping economic myths, let’s also dispatch with the 4.5% unemployment rate. That number has been largely caused by several million exhaustees and others simply leaving the work force:

The actual unemployment rate is closer to 6.5%…..This explains why wages and labor costs have remained subdued despite the alleged 4.5% UE measure.

Posted in labor | Comments Off on Dispelling the Myth of Low Unemployment

Fed Acts More Directly to Shore Up Battered Asset-Backed Commercial Paper Market

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism submits:

To recap the turmoil in the money markets: the problem stems from a near-complete repudiation of asset-backed commercial paper, which constitutes roughly half of commercial paper outstandings. The reason for the concern is most asset-backed CP has mortgages as collateral, and some of those mortgages may be (hold your breath) subprime.

Even though the Fed has lowered the discount rate, and some commercial banks have stepped up to take loans, these moves were symbolic. There is considerable prejudice attached to using the discount window, and the banks that took avail of it, such as Citigroup, did so as a show of support (at some cost to them, since the discount window is still more expensive than regular interbank funding) rather than because they needed the money.

As we mentioned yesterday, the Fed’s actions hadn’t solved the CP problem. Outstandings are dropping, and people in the market report that no one wants to buy asset-backed commercial paper. That means issuers, who in most cases expect to be able to issue new commercial paper to replace maturing CP, are stuck. They have to cough up the dough to pay for the maturing CP. Many companies have back-up lines of credit for this purpose, but these are generally regarded as emergency facilities. The banks who provide these credit lines don’t expect a lot of companies to be coming to them at once to draw down funds. But that is almost certain to be what is happening now.

The refusal to touch asset-backed CP is clearly panic (or more accurately, fear of making a career-limiting move). Much of this paper is sound, but people on money market desks are paid to watch pennies and take no risks. They aren’t in any position to find out exactly what is behind a particular issue of asset backed CP. So their view is, better not to take any chances, and they aren’t.

As a result, the Fed has now taken what (for it) is a novel step, that of allowing banks to use investment grade ABCP, as it is known in the trade, as collateral. Greg Ip at the Wall Street Journal explains:

In another step aimed at unfreezing the commercial paper market, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York clarified its discount window rules with the effect of enabling banks to pledge a broader range of commercial paper as collateral.

Under the clarification, issued verbally by New York Fed officials to market participants in the last day, banks may pledge asset-backed commercial paper for which they also provide the backup lines of credit.

“This strikes us as a very big deal,” said Lou Crandall, chief economist at Wrightson-ICAP LLC….The clarification, he said, means if an issuer is unable to sell an entire portion of its paper, the bank providing the backstop can finance the unsold portion with a discount window loan, backed by the assets underlying the paper.

“We are comfortable taking investment-quality asset-backed commercial paper for which the pledging bank is the liquidity provider. This is a clarification of something that has become, over time, accepted practice at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York,” said New York Fed spokesman Calvin Mitchell…..

Several market sources however interpreted the action more as a change in, than a clarification of, policy. “Previously banks could not post such ABCP as collateral, that is ABCP for which the bank is a liquidity backstop,” said Michael Feroli, economist at J.P. Morgan Chase, in a note to clients. “While reluctant to characterize this as a major change in direction, our contact at the Fed noted that this measure was a means to ‘insert flexibility’ in the way the window deals with evolving needs,” Mr. Feroli wrote.

Another sign of how seriously the Fed is taking this matter is that it has quietly relaxed some of its rules around regulatory capital. Note that the Rodgin Cohen mentioned below is the dean of bank regulatory lawyers:

In the past week, the Fed gave temporary exemptions to three major bank holding companies from limitations on loans between their bank and securities dealers units, according to people familiar with the matter. It also notified banks, via a letter to Rodgin Cohen, chairman of New York law firm Sullivan & Cromwell LLP, that loans secured by debt and equity securities meeting certain conditions would attract a lower risk weighting than regular loans to private borrowers. That means the bank has to put aside less capital per dollar loaned.

“Less capital per dollar loaned” translates into, “You can lend more against that capital.”

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, regulation | Comments Off on Fed Acts More Directly to Shore Up Battered Asset-Backed Commercial Paper Market

Thinking the Unthinkable: Regulating the Brave New World of Finance

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism submits:

Earlier this week, I sought to frame the prevailing views of what the supervising adults, namely central bankers, should do about the turmoil in the financial markets. They break down into four groups (names of representative spokesmen included):

The keep the party going types (Jim Cramer and his less histrionic brethren) who argue that markets should be stabilized at any cost.

The cold water Yankees (Nouriel Roubini, Marc Faber Andy Xie, Michael Panzner) who think the problems have only started and providing any more cash to the miscreants (or anyone within hailing distance of them, which is basically the entire financial system) is a Bad Idea and Will Only Make Things Worse.

The realists (heavily representation at the Financial Times, including the estimable Martin Wolf and Paul de Grauwe) who agree things are a mess, but also argue that central bankers can’t sit on their hands in a crisis. They hew to the idea presented by Walter Bagehot in the 19th century, that central bankers should lend at penalty rates against good collateral (meaning in normal markets). This gets a bit tricky if you are talking about collateral with a lot of embedded leverage. A modern variant comes from Willem Buiter and Anne Siber, who want central bankers to act as market makers of the last resort.

The reformers (former central banker Ian MacFarlane, Henry Kaufman, Steven Roach) who see the turmoil as evidence that our current regulatory regime is outdated. However, regulation is such a dirty word that they believe the current problems have to become much worse for there to be sufficient political will to take on such a challenge. Kaufman, as befits his 1980s sobriquet, “Dr. Doom,” is particularly pessimistic, since he feels that the economic discipline has become too specialized to have an adequate grasp of the issues.

Even though I am largely on the same page as the cold water Yankees in terms of how bad the downside could be, I believe that the reformist camp is correct. While booms and busts are an inevitable part of capitalism, the very reason we have financial regulation is to mitigate those swings.

It’s an open question as to whether the history of the 1992-2007 will be seen as one of stability, which is the current view, or rewritten to emphasize serial asset bubbles that eventually became so large as to exact a large cost on the real economy.

In recent weeks, as the carnage in the markets has worsened, the use of the dreaded “R” word by the media has increased. However, the worry is that Congress will return this fall, eager to have some public hangings to satisfy the blood lust of newly impoverished homeowners, schedule some hearings, summon some famous people and call them bad names for ten minutes, enact some hasty legislation that will at best address surface problems, and declare victory.

The only axis on which that approach might work is consumer protection. There has already been discussion of possible remedies and some states have enacted legislation that might serve as models. Any reform of the credit markets, in which a tremendous amount of activity has moved well beyond the Fed’s reach and therefore, to some extent, even its understanding, is a very tricky affair. It’s important to get it right. This process is not only politically daunting, (expect piercing cries and doom saying from the financial community), but intellectually demanding as well.

Now many may argue that that task is impossible, but recall that the Securities Act of 1933 and the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 were formed almost out of whole cloth, yet have proven remarkably robust and enduring. It is possible, though rare, to take great leaps forward with regulatory frameworks.

To come up with appropriate new rules, it is vital to define the problem or problems need to be addressed. Per Kaufman’s concerns, that isn’t as easy as it might seem. Framing the problem well, conducting analysis and investigation, and seeing if they point to other hypotheses and avenues for investigation is vital. And for issues of this importance and complexity, they will need to be attacked from various angles. In addition, the problem statement is likely to be reformulated as understanding advances.

In other words, expecting a one-shot investigation, no matter how well staffed, to do the job is unrealistic. Coming to grips with such a hairy, multifaceted problem is likely to be an iterative process. (And note we haven’t considered the possible dead body in the room, namely, that any approach will likely require either much greater international cooperation or an international body, raising issues of national sovereignty. We may need a real train wreck to get past that hurdle).

It’s encouraging that some good minds are already starting to grapple with problem definition. Unfortunately, the discussion is taking place on the other side of the Atlantic, where regulation is held in higher esteem than here. But ideas are fungible and will hopefully capture the attention of thoughtful people here.

A couple of examples, one from VoxEu, “Subprime crisis: Greenspan’s Legacy,” by Tito Boeri and Luigi Guiso .

The article makes an elegant and compelling argument. The subprime crisis had three causes, namely:

The low financial literacy of US households;

The financial innovation that has resulted in the massive securitisation of illiquid assets, and;

The low interest rate policy followed by Alan Greenspan’s Fed from 2001 to 2004.

The authors clearly state that the first two issues were necessary but not sufficient to cause the housing mess, and they make a cogent and critical review of Greenspan’s actions.

The comments on Greenspan, while well done, are in line with what is rapidly becoming conventional wisdom. But this section is useful to keep in mind when thinking about reform:

The first ingredient of the crisis is a blend of bad information, financial inexperience and myopia of consumers/investors. They fell for the prospect of getting a mortgage at rates never seen before and then extrapolating these rates out for thirty years. This myopia was encouraged and indeed exploited by banks and other lenders eager to attract and retain clients. This is surprisingly similar to what has been seen in the past when banks and intermediaries have advised their clients to invest in financial assets ill-suited to their ability to bear risk. In both cases, a biased advisor is the reflection of a clear conflict of interest in the financial industry. Financial literacy is low not only in financially backward countries (as one would expect), but also in the US. Only two out of three Americans are familiar with the law of compound interest; less than half know how to measure the effects of inflation on the costs of indebtedness. Financial literacy is particularly low among those who have taken out subprime mortgages. The intermediaries exploited this financial illiteracy.

Another good article, which explicitly looked at the question of regulation, came from Clive Crook of the Financial Times. He goes where US financial writers fear to tread, namely, questioning the benefits of financial innovation:

The harder question is whether new rules are needed for the wider financial system. On the face of it, the answer is Yes. One rationale for excluding non-bank lenders from Fed scrutiny is that they pose no systemic risk. So much for that. Wall Street financed the subprime boom by buying the loans – repackaged as securities, stamped AAA by the credit-rating agencies – and selling them on. This model, of course, made the original lenders even less attentive to loan quality. On the other hand, it spread the risk throughout the system, which was also thought to be a good thing – until the loans started to go bad. Then, it turned out, investors wanted to know where the risk was and nobody could say. Arriving as if from nowhere, that fear led to the freezing up of the credit system.

How are regulators to grapple with this? If the opacity of the system is the problem, then new scrutiny and disclosure requirements for secretive investors such as hedge funds and private-equity firms must be part of the remedy. But it could be that complexity, more than lack of transparency in its own right, is the issue…. Sophisticated investors are left poorly informed about the risks they are bearing; unsophisticated investors have not got a clue. Desirable as fuller disclosure by hedge funds and private equity firms may be, it is hard to believe that it will be enough.

In other words, financial innovation itself is the problem. This poses a dilemma. The benefits of modern finance are real: as its champions rightly say, it deserves much of the credit for the relative stability of the world economy in the past two decades. Stifling this innovation, or attempting to manage it, looks unpromising.

Part of the answer – and, along with fuller scrutiny, perhaps the best that can be done – is to create a climate where excessive risk-taking is more effectively discouraged, and punished when things go wrong. Here the role of the Fed is crucial, both in the boom phase of speculative cycles and in the bust. Fast-rising house and other asset prices have been buoyed by very low interest rates…..The Fed’s long-maintained reluctance to weigh asset prices in its monetary policy calculations needs to go.

Then, when financial markets seize up, the Fed must take care, as far as possible, to avoid bailing out the culprits….Instead, honouring Walter Bagehot’s maxim, it should provide liquidity at a penalty rate (against conservatively valued collateral) to those so lacking in liquidity that they are willing to pay it. That memorably costly help should be available not just to banks, as now, but to hedge funds and other financial firms willing to accept the Fed’s terms.

While this is a good start, Crook’s ideas are an extension of well established principles, namely, disclosure and central banks as stewards of stability and lenders of the last resort. We may need thinking along new lines to devise enduring remedies.

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, regulation | Comments Off on Thinking the Unthinkable: Regulating the Brave New World of Finance

Ken Lewis’s Savvy Countrywide Investment

Portfolio.com is now out of beta, which means that color illustration, which

briefly appeared on this blog a couple of weeks ago, is now back for good. But

I’m still happily ensconced in a Lombardy villa, which means that y’all get

to enjoy Yves’ bearishness for a bit longer. (Yes, that is me in the picture,

not Yves.)

It turns out that part-time blogging is pretty much impossible for me: either

I’m keeping up with what’s going on, or I’m not. But I did notice, out of the

corner of my eye, that Bank of America has managed to nab itself a very attractive

investment in Countrywide.

Yes, attractive.

Now I so realize that received wisdom is not with me on this one. Gretchen

Morgenson has told

me about the dodgy mortgages Countrywide might be forced to buy back; Guambat

is talking

about "$2 billion out the window"; Rob Cox worries

that BofA’s market timing might have been "horribly wrong", and Herb

Greenberg defends

the Merrill analyst who put a "sell" rating on Countrywide stock.

But behind all of this commentary I see a simple – indeed, simplistic

– syllogism: mortgages are bad, Countrywide is mortgages, therefore Countrywide

is bad, at pretty much any price. Just look at all the mortgage lenders who

have already gone bust!

What I don’t see is any recognition that the Bank of America deal is a coup

for Bank of America CEO Ken Lewis, who has been

talking to Countrywide’s Angelo Mozilo, on and off, for

six years. And I can guarantee you that at no point over the past six years

has Mozilo had the slightest inclination to sell off a 16% stake in his company

at a significant discount to book value.

During the mortgage boom, pretty much any fly-by-night operator could set himself

up as a mortgage lender, get a huge line of credit from Merrill Lynch or Lehman

Brothers, and make money hand over fist by originating dodgy loans and then

offloading them sharpish into the MBS market. Those mortgage lenders have now

rightfully gone bust, mainly because their credit lines have long since been

pulled. Without credit, they can’t originate loans, and they’re forced to close

their doors.

Countrywide, however, is no fly-by-night subprime originator. Rather, it’s

arguably the best mortgage shop in the US. Yes, it’s still reliant on access

to lines of credit. All mortgage originators are, unless they’re owned by a

big bank, in which case they’re reliant on access to that big bank’s balance

sheet. But worrying about Countrywide because it needs liquidity is a bit like

worrying about hiring a new CEO because he needs oxygen. The mortgage business

does run on credit, but Americans will always need mortgages. So it makes perfect

sense for the largest bank in America to get itself a cheap stake in a first-rate

mortgage company. BofA alone has access to more than enough liquidity to tide

Countrywide over if the present crunch continues.

But what about the question of Countrywide’s book value? Buying in to Countrywide

at 0.8 times book might seem like a good idea at first glance, but book value

is ultimately the difference between two very large numbers: Countrywide’s assets,

and its liabilities. Its liabilities are fixed, but its assets are mortgages,

and those mortgages can certainly decline in value. If they do, Countrywide’s

book value could be wiped out very quickly.

Ken Lewis knows this, which is why he didn’t buy Countrywide stock. Instead,

he bought Countrywide bonds, which can be converted into stock should he so

wish in the future. And the coupon on those bonds is a very healthy

7.5% – higher, indeed, than the rate at which Countrywide itself is still

willing to lend to homeowners. You know that line about the company which loses

money on every sale but makes it up on volume? Countrywide, here, is borrowing

at 7.5% and lending at less than 7%, and the market bid up Countrywide shares

as a result, even though the real winner is Bank of America. If Countrywide

can’t navigate through the ARM resets which are coming up next year, Bof A will

simply clip its 7.5% coupons and go home.

So really the only risk facing Ken Lewis is that Countrywide will default on

his $2 billion loan. That’s possible, but there’s still well over $12 billion

of equity in the company which would have to be wiped out first. And even if

Countrywide does go bust, Bank of America, as one of Countrywide’s largest creditors,

would be very well positioned to snap up a large chunk of the company’s mortgage

expertise out of bankruptcy.

But the most likely outcome, I think, is that Countrywide will make it through

the ARM resets buffetted but still intact – and that Ken Lewis will buy

up a 16% stake in the company at $18 per share even as the stock is trading

at a significant premium to that level.

Posted in banking, housing | Comments Off on Ken Lewis’s Savvy Countrywide Investment

Suprime Collateral Damage: Homes in Chelsea (London)

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

Bloomberg tells us that sales of 2 million pound ($4 million) homes and flats in London are on hold as buyers pull back, expecting subprime woes to put a damper on City bonuses this year.

Note that that price level is considered mere “mid level luxury,” and still won’t get you very far in uber pricey Mayfair or Belgravia.

From Bloomberg:

Buyers of London houses and apartments costing about 2 million pounds ($4 million) are delaying purchases on concern the turmoil in credit markets may result in lower bonuses for bankers….

Asking prices in Kensington and Chelsea, London’s priciest borough, fell 1 percent this month to an average of 1.45 million pounds, Rightmove Plc, which runs the U.K.’s largest real estate Web site, said in a report Aug. 20….

Properties at the top end of the market, those costing an average of 5 million pounds, have risen 36 percent in the past year as foreign buyers join Britain’s very wealthy to compete for a shrinking number of trophy houses, according to Knight Frank.

The banking bonus season runs from November to March and the level of payouts will be determined by third quarter earnings, said Michael Karp, chief executive officer of the Options Group, a New York-based firm that tracks pay and hiring trends.

Posted in housing | Comments Off on Suprime Collateral Damage: Homes in Chelsea (London)

Central Bank Efforts to Stabilize Money Markets May Not Be Working

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

An update from Bloomberg tells us that commercial paper outstandings fell 4.2% in a week, which suggests the efforts of central bankers to restore confidence in that market, and particularly in asset backed commercial paper, may not be adequate.

4.2% may not sound like much of a drop until you do some quick and dirty calculations. The longest tenor of CP is 270 days. My very dim recollection from my youth is that 90 days was the most popular maturity; things could be considerably different now.

Now most issuers roll their CP, that is, issue new CP when their existing CP matures (the amount will vary based on cash inflows and outflows, but that’s a decent generalization).

If 90 days is the average maturity of outstanding CP, you’d have roughly 8% maturing in any week. If you assume 45 days, then weekly maturities are roughly 16% (anyone who has real data and/or a better back of the envelope approach is encouraged to speak up).

Now you can see why a 4.2% weekly fall is a big deal. It mean that a very high percentage of maturing CP is not being rolled, forcing the issuer to go to other sources, most likely backup lines of credit, to obtain cash. Crunch time.

From Bloomberg:

Outstanding U.S. commercial paper fell 4.2 percent, the biggest weekly drop in at least seven years, as investors fled asset-backed debt and opted for the safety of Treasuries….

The retreat may indicate that the Fed’s decision to lower the discount rate last week failed to instill enough calm to draw back investors. Commercial paper backed by assets led the fall as buyers fled debt linked to subprime mortgages. Outstanding paper may slump by a total $300 billion, representing the entire amount of debt backed by home loans, said Tony Crescenzi, chief bond market strategist at Miller Tabak & Co.

“The commercial paper market, in terms of the asset-backed commercial paper market, is basically history,” Bill Gross, manager of the world’s biggest bond fund at Newport Beach, California-based Pacific Investment Management Co., said in an interview today….

Banks worldwide have $891 billion at risk because of credit agreements on asset-backed commercial paper programs, Fitch Ratings said today.

“There is no doubt that banks have been forced to assume additional liabilities,” Gross said….

“There is a significant amount of cash in the system, it’s just not getting to the parts of the market that need it,” Conrad DeQuadros, a senior economist at Bear Stearns Cos., said in an interview today in New York….

“The shrinkage of the commercial paper market will force companies to obtain money elsewhere,” Crescenzi, who is based in New York, said in e-mailed comments today. “Some will be unable to obtain funding and will shut or scale back their operations.”

In Europe, the asset-backed commercial paper market in Europe is almost closed, Reynold Leegerstee, team managing director for Moody’s Investors Service, said on a conference call today….

The possibility of any of the large European banks defaulting on commercial paper debt is remote, Moody’s Vice Chairman Chris Mahoney said.

Note that asset backed CP is estimated to constitute half the CP outstandings, so a continued repudiation of that paper is serious indeed.

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, regulation | Comments Off on Central Bank Efforts to Stabilize Money Markets May Not Be Working

Special Situation: Lehman Subprime Unit Shutdown

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

The securities industry is highly cyclical, and like the markets they trade in, Wall Street firms are prone to overshoot and undershoot. Executives cut too deeply in downturns, resolve not to repeat that mistake when they rebuild staffs in recoveries, keep hiring even when markets look overheated, and then repeat.

To illustrate how extreme swings are: after the bloody 1991-1992 recession, most major Wall Street firms were convinced M&A would never come back in a serious way and disbanded their M&A departments, folding the few professionals they retained into their financing units.

Yesterday, Lehman Brothers announced that it was exiting subprime mortgage origination. Note that subprime origination (aka mortgage brokerage) is hardly a core business for the Street. Most firms entered recently, backward integrating to capture extra profits. Thus, predictably, the Wall Street Journal indicates that other firms are likely to withdraw:

Wall Street firms, which had raced to buy mortgage originators to feed their lucrative business of packaging the loans as securities, marked a retreat from that tattered field yesterday when Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. said it will close its unit that lent to riskier borrowers….

“I don’t think we’re going to see much of a Wall Street presence going forward” in originating home mortgages, said Tom LaMalfa, a managing director at Wholesale Access, a mortgage-research firm in Columbia, Md. Mr. LaMalfa said while he expects Wall Street firms to focus on their traditional roles in packaging and trading mortgage securities, those businesses will be smaller as lenders retain more of their loans as long-term investments or sell them to government-sponsored investors Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae.

While it’s a no-brainer to say that it doesn’t make sense to be in a business when there is no business to be done, it’s unlikely other firms will follow Lehman’s move and shut down their businesses. BreakingViews (free subscription required) tells us their cost of exit will be much higher:

Lehman Brothers’ rivals became ardent imitators of its integrated mortgage business….But they might not be so keen to follow the Wall Street firm’s lead in shuttering their subprime lending units. Lehman had the advantage of getting in early, and cheaply, at the start of the decade. So it’s not costing too much to throw in the towel.

Shutting its BNC mortgage unit will cost Lehman $52m after tax – just over half of which is a goodwill write-down….

Compare that to the sums others handed over last year to cement their foray into mortgage lending. Deutsche Bank forked over some $500m for two platforms, while Fortress’s duo came to almost $700m. Merrill Lynch splashed out $1.3bn for First Franklin. And ResCap accounted for roughly half the lending book in GMAC, which Cerberus took a majority stake in for $7.4bn.

These businesses are suffering the same problems as BNC: loan volume has plummeted, profitability has disappeared, and the secondary market has evaporated. But because of the whopping price tags, shuttering them would be painful. The $860m charge Capital One is paying to fold its mortgage business is a much better indication of what Wall Street’s jonny-come-latelys would have to fork over. That could be more than enough to stay their hand – at least until after bonus season.

Whether other players formally close the businesses, or keep them in a zombie state to avoid painful writedowns, will be a case-by-case decision. However, Merrill Lynch, Deutsche Bank, Barclays, and Morgan Stanley all took advantage of the subprime distress to acquire mortgage companies, hoping to make headway on Bear Stearns as the leader in the subprime origination. That now looks tantamount to catching a falling safe. Moreover, those acquisitions were so recent that it would be particularly embarrassing to close them down now.

Indeed, Bloomberg reported that

Merrill Lynch & Co. Chief Executive Officer Stanley O’Neal was willing to lose $230 million to catch Bear Stearns Cos. and the shakeout is just beginning.

Looks like he got what he wanted and then some.

Posted in housing | Comments Off on Special Situation: Lehman Subprime Unit Shutdown

Paulson Hoist on His Own Petard (Yuan Version)

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

One of the Treasury Department’s big campaigns has been to put pressure on the Chinese to allow the yuan to float more freely (the Chinese now engage in a dirty float in place of their former hard peg).

Most analyses of the value of the yuan show it to be undervalued, some by as much as 40% relative to the dollar. Congress, unhappy about the huge trade deficit with China, has threatened to impose sanctions if China does not allow its currency to appreciate. (Aside: this desire for a rise in the yuan falls in the category of “be careful what you wish for,” since a lower trade deficit also means lower capital inflows. In other words, kiss cheap foreign funding goodbye).

China responds badly to threats, so Paulson looked to the IMF to act as an honest broker. But that move has backfired spectacularly, with the IMF declaring the dollar to be overvalued. The focus was supposed to be on the yuan and how the Chinese needed to stop meddling; now it has shifted to the dollar, and by implication, our low savings rate (the Chinese have taken the position that it is we, not they, that need to get their house in order). And since the US hasn’t gotten what it wanted, it is now demonizing the very organization it once touted as expert and fair.

From Bloomberg:

Treasury officials recruited the IMF to be a currency cop as China and other countries meddle with exchange rates to gain a trade advantage. Instead, the international lending organization took aim at the dollar, calling it overvalued in an Aug. 1 report….

“The U.S. Treasury has cut the legs from under the IMF before it even started the race,” said Michael Mussa, the IMF’s chief economist from 1991 to 2001 and now a fellow at the Peterson Institute in Washington. “This was foolish and unnecessary when they could have just said nothing.”

By rejecting the IMF’s analysis, the Treasury may have jeopardized its own effort to use international leverage to help narrow China’s $118 billion trade surplus with the U.S. Members of Congress are threatening sanctions if the Treasury doesn’t succeed in getting China to stop suppressing the value of its currency….

IMF staff economists told U.S. officials in meetings ended July 27 that their research showed the dollar was 10 percent to 30 percent overpriced, according to an account included in the 54-page Aug. 1 report

For my money, the richest bit of irony is this comment:

Mark Sobel, a Treasury deputy assistant secretary, told Congress Aug. 2 that, while exchange-rate modeling offers “valuable insights, there is no reliable or precise method for estimating the proper value of an economy’s foreign-exchange rate.”

That was clever. The Treasury has just said there is no way to determine what a currency’s value should be, which means it has no basis for telling China its currency is too cheap. Can we all go home now?

Posted in china, foreign exchange, Politics | Comments Off on Paulson Hoist on His Own Petard (Yuan Version)

Do-It-Yourself Dubious Accounting

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism reports:

Part of the hangover that followed the dot-com bubble was rampant accounting fraud. Before then, accounting chicanery was virtually unheard of in Fortune 500 companies. It instead cropped up at high fliers with loose controls and/or overly aggressive cultures (remember Zzzz Best? Miniscribe?).

But in 2002, it seemed endemic, and for the first time, involved a large number of respected companies, such as Bristol Myers, Freddie Mac, Lucent, Merck, and the grandaddy of the once mighty, now fallen, Enron.

Large scale accounting fraud at large corporations generally required the help, or at least the acquiescence, of their external auditors. That in turn did considerable damage to the industry’s reputation and its partners’ net worths.

So in the interest of client empowerment, and out of the recognition that the Big now Four can’t afford to get any smaller, the Financial Accounting Standards Board approved new rules last September to enable corporations to engage in fraudulent, um, creative accounting all on their own. And since these new, um, creative practices are all in conformity with FASB, no one will get in trouble.

Now I am sure some readers think I have gone completely off the deep end and am making this up, or at least exaggerating. But a Bloomberg story (hat tip Michael Panzner) tells us that Wells Fargo used something called “Level 3 gains” to create $1.21 billion of pretax income last quarter out of thin air. Without this fantasy income, Wells would have shown a year-to-year decline.

This Bloomberg story goes into considerable detail about exactly what Wells did; here’s the outline of what allowed them to be so, um, creative:

So what are Level 3 gains? Pretty much whatever companies want them to be.

You can thank the Financial Accounting Standards Board for this. The board last September approved a new, three-level hierarchy for measuring “fair values” of assets and liabilities, under a pronouncement called FASB Statement No. 157, which Wells Fargo adopted in January.

Level 1 means the values come from quoted prices in active markets. The balance-sheet changes then pass through the income statement each quarter as gains or losses. Call this mark-to- market.

Level 2 values are measured using “observable inputs,” such as recent transaction prices for similar items, where market quotes aren’t available. Call this mark-to-model.

Then there’s Level 3. Under Statement 157, this means fair value is measured using “unobservable inputs.” While companies can’t actually see the changes in the fair values of their assets and liabilities, they’re allowed to book them through earnings anyway, based on their own subjective assumptions. Call this mark-to-make-believe.

“If you see a big chunk of earnings coming from revaluations involving Level 3 inputs, your antennae should go up,” says Jack Ciesielski, publisher of the Analyst’s Accounting Observer research service in Baltimore. “It’s akin to voodoo.”

We are likely to be entering another post-bubble period of weak earnings, so Level 3 earnings and other, um, creative accounting practices are likely to become popular. Investors beware.

Posted in fraud, governance, regulation | Comments Off on Do-It-Yourself Dubious Accounting

Press Burnishing of Presidential Image

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

The media is typically kind to newly-elected leaders, so now it’s Sarkozy who is getting favorable press treatment. And when we say “burnishing image,” we mean it literally.

From the BBC:

The French magazine Paris Match touched up a photograph of President Nicolas Sarkozy on his US holiday, making his figure more svelte.

Leading news weekly L’Express printed before and after shots, showing a distinct tightening of the area it called poignees d’amour (love handles).

L’Express quotes Paris Match as saying the president’s seating position made the bulge look more prominent.

Paris Match said it had tried adjusting the lighting on the picture.

“The correction was exaggerated during the printing process,” the magazine told L’Express.

Posted in Media | Comments Off on Press Burnishing of Presidential Image

Mortgage Delinquency Rises at Fastest Rate in 17 Years

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

Bloomberg informs us that the FDIC has released data showing that mortgages over 90 days past rose over 36% from second quarter last year to second quarter this year, the biggest increase since 1991.

This report is troubling in two regards. First, the last big spike occurred in the 1991 recession, which was a nasty, though short, affair. We aren’t in a recession. Mortgage delinquencies and defaults generally track unemployment, yet unemployment levels are not high by historical standards. What is going to happen if/when the economy slows? We are only in the early phases of a credit contraction.

Second, as was mentioned in passing in a Wall Street Journal story today and has been treated in greater depth elsewhere, many ARM mortgages had low initial interest rates and will reset, with the heaviest concentration in 2008.

Posted in housing | Comments Off on Mortgage Delinquency Rises at Fastest Rate in 17 Years

The Financial Times’ Martin Wolf Defends the Fed

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

Normally, I have the highest regard for Martin Wolf, the Financial Times’ lead economics writer. He is forthright, data-driven, articulate, and insightful.

However, I take issue with his current article, “The Federal Reserve must prolong the party,” and see its failings as symptomatic of the state of economics.

In brief, Wolf argues that the problems the Fed is facing are due as much (his tone suggests more) to the global savings glut than to Greenspan having served as a bubble enabler:

Has the Federal Reserve been a serial bubble-blower?….The Fed can indeed be accused of being a serial bubble-blower. But this is not because it has been managed by incompetents. It is because it has been managed by competent people responding to exceptional circumstances.

The savings glut is a palpable reality….Since global long-term real interest rates have been modest, the argument that profligate US spending has been crowding out spending elsewhere is not credible. It is more plausible that excess savings elsewhere have been “crowding in” US spending….

What has all this meant for policy? The answer is simple: the Fed has, willy nilly, pursued a monetary policy capable of inducing a huge and unprecedented financial deficit among US households. This has, not coincidentally, also meant a rapid rise in household indebtedness. The vehicle through which this policy has worked has been asset-backed borrowing and lending, the activity that has so spectacularly derailed this year….

Nothing that has happened has been a product of Fed folly alone. Its monetary policy may have been loose too long. The regulators may also have been asleep. But neither point is the heart of the matter. Assume that the US remains a huge net importer of capital. Assume, too, that US business sees no reason to invest more than its retained profits. Assume, finally, that the government pursues a modestly prudent fiscal policy. Then US households must spend more than their incomes. If they fail to do so, the economy will plunge into recession unless something else changes elsewhere…

Today’s credit crisis, then, is far more than a symptom of a defective financial system. It is also a symptom of an unbalanced global economy. The world economy may no longer be able to depend on the willingness of US households to spend more than they earn. Who will take their place?

I have a nagging feeling that economists and regulators do not fully understand our current environment. The situation described by the catchphrase “global imbalances” is outside any historical pattern. So are other elements of our present financial system: the predominant role of what New York Fed president called “market-based credit” (as opposed to the old fashioned sort that was intermediated via the banking system); the near-universal use of mark-to-market approaches for asset valuation among financial institutions (even for long-term holdings); the scale and importance of derivative trading; the velocity of trading; the value of financial assets relative to the real economy.

Individually, these elements may appear understandable (although I am not certain anyone has a good grip the full implications of the large role of derivatives). But these factors are operating simultaneously, creating a Brave New World of finance that increasingly drives the real economy. Thus, economists’ confidence in their knowledge of what is at work strikes me as eerily similar to the quants’ belief in their models. Despite the fact that these models blew up spectacularly last week, their creators’ faith remains intact even though that faith seems badly misplaced. Can the same be true for the likes of Wolf and Bernanke?

Now if I were the only person nursing these suspicions, I’d be inclined to dismiss them. But others who possess better economics and market credentials than mine harbor similar worries. Consider these remarks from Henry Kaufman:

What is missing today is a comprehensive framework that pulls together financial-market behavior and economic behavior. The study of economics and finance has become highly specialized and compartmentalized within the academic community. This is, of course, another reflection of the increasingly specialized demands of our complex civilization. Regrettably, today’s economics and finance professions have produced no minds with the analytical reach of Adam Smith, John Maynard Keynes or Milton Friedman.

Note that the trio that Kaufman cites weren’t merely brilliant economists. Each was the author of a new paradigm that guided government policies successfully, until further economic evolution brought new tools to the fore. Yet no one seems ready or able to do the fundamental thinking needed to move us forward.

But crises often bring their own solution, and perhaps a bright young thinker is coming to grips with our current conundrum. We can only hope.

Posted in economics, regulation | Comments Off on The Financial Times’ Martin Wolf Defends the Fed

Bush’s FHA Band-Aid

Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism submits:

The Bush Administration, which resisted proposals to have Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac buy more mortgages to alleviate stress in the housing markets, is instead looking to the Federal Home Administration, which traditionally has provided insurance to low and middle income mortgages, to help troubled borrowers.

But if you believe the data in the Wall Street Journal story, this move is likely to prove inadequate. The Journal reports:

But many buyers who got subprime loans are beginning to have trouble making their mortgage payments as the attractive initial “teaser” interest rates are reset at much higher levels. While many of those buyers believed they could refinance their loans, that has become much harder as mortgage lenders tighten their standards in the face of defaults and foreclosures. The Center for Responsible Lending estimates as many as 2.2 million loans will reset over the next two years.

FHA says it is constrained from doing more now because of limits on the size of the loans it can back and some requirements that borrowers must meet. While its refinancing business has picked up and the agency expects to refinance about 120,000 loans this year, FHA officials say they could easily double that amount if given greater flexibility.

Do the math. As many as 2.2 million loans will reset over two years, so that’s 1.1 million a year. That doesn’t include borrowers who are already in trouble, or are stressed in the absence of a reset. As Dean Baker points out:

…..many of the subprimes were seriously delinquent or in foreclosure long before the mortgages reset to higher rates. In an analysis done early this year, the FDIC found that 10 percent of the subprime adjustable rate mortgages issued in 2006 were seriously delinquent (missed three or more payments) or in foreclosure within 10 months of issuance.

Since no mortgages had reset at the 10-month point, clearly there were other problems. Either borrowers could not afford even the low teaser rates or they were defaulting because they realized that their homes were worth less than their mortgages. The latter problem will only get worse as house prices continue to decline in response to the glut of housing on the market (the inventory of unsold new homes is 50 percent above the previous record and the number of vacant ownership units is almost twice the previous peak) and tightening credit conditions curtailing demand.

Now as we have discussed, the stats on delinquencies are notoriously unreliable (foreclosures are a different matter, but by then, things are past the point of no return). So we have to make guesstimates. One data point was a March report by CreditSights that estimated 500,000 homes could be coming on to the market due to subprime problems. Remember, those are the ones that hit the wall; there are more that are still in trouble. And conditions have deteriorated since March.

So let’s take that 500,000. Add to it a percentage of the 1.1 million borrowers assumed to undergo a reset this year (for the purposes of this exercise, per Baker’s point, we’ll assume the two populations don’t overlap, even though we know that isn’t really true. Nevertheless, the 1.1 million understates the total of borrowers at risk by a large but unknown margin), say 25%, who become seriously delinquent (that’s if anything low).

So if the FHA gets its authority to increase its scope, it could handle 240,000 mortgages a year, which by my very rough calculation is 31% of the mortgages at risk (anyone with a better methodology or data please speak up).

But remember, we are dealing with full year 2007 values when we are two-thirds of the way through the year. The number of borrowers under stress will tend to rise as weak homeowners keep trying various means to hang on to their homes. And other analyses show that more mortgages will reset in 2008 than 2007. So one would expect that the later the program is implemented, the greater the number of borrowers who will be in need, hence the lower the proportion that can be helped.

And even this proposal may well be cut back. Again, from the Journal:

But not everyone is convinced, and FHA reform may run into trouble in the Senate. Alabama Sen. Richard Shelby, the ranking Republican on the Senate Banking Committee, has expressed concern about expanding FHA, saying it could ultimately hurt taxpayers.

“One lesson learned from the current pattern of defaults and delinquencies in the subprime market is that those borrowers with little or no equity in their home will be the most likely to fail,” he said at a hearing last month. “We must approach any attempt to expand the program or lower the program’s standards with great caution.”

So much for compassionate conservatism.

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Harvard Gets It Right Again

Every year, the Harvard Management Company sends out a "John Harvard letter"

saying what’s happened to the world’s largest endowment over the past 12 months.

Historically, it has been an opportunity for the CEO to crow about excess returns.

And this

year is no exception.

HMC had a truly phenomenal fiscal 2007, which ran from July 2006 to June 2007.

The Harvard endowment grew by an eye-popping 23%, net of all expenses and fees.

Says the letter:

Reflecting the strong investment results, and after taking into account annual

distributions to the University and the receipt of new gifts, the value of

the endowment grew from $29.2 billion as of end-June 2006 to $34.9 billion

as of end-June 2007 (Exhibit 1); the total value of the “General Investment

Account” (GIA), which constitutes the pooled assets managed by HMC that

include the endowment and related accounts, grew from $33.7 billion to $41.0

billion.

The man ultimately responsible for that $41 billion is Mohamed El-Erian,

who’s getting by on a high seven-figure salary. Which is a lot of money by academic

standards, but just think how much a hedge-fund manager would make for the same

returns: the average assets under management for the year were $37.35 billion,

which means that a 2% management fee would come to $747 million. Then a 20%

performance fee on the $7.3 billion increase in assets would be an extra $1.46

billion, for a total of $2.207 billion. To put that in context, El-Erian’s take-home

pay is roughly the $0.007 billion at the end of that figure.

But what’s going on now? Harvard, famously, had a huge investment in Solengo Sowood

Capital, run by a former Harvard portfolio manager, which blew up spectacularly

during the credit bust just after Harvard’s 2007 fiscal year had ended. Have

the fiscal 2007 gains, then, been eroded? No.

Based on the information we have received so far, on a standalone basis the

Sowood losses would translate into a decline of about 1% in the endowment

relative to the end-June valuation.

The Sowood-related losses, as well as the more general impact of financial

market dislocations, were offset by gains on account of the overall positioning

of the portfolio, including a number of market hedges implemented in the context

of our overall risk management process. The endowment also benefited from

a high degree of diversification among internal and external portfolio managers

and strategies. As a result, the initial estimate for the month of July points

to an aggregate gain in value for the endowment of 0.4%. (As a comparison,

the S&P fell 3.1% during that month while the Lehman Aggregate rose 0.8%).

No news yet on August, of course, which was even tougher than July. But if

the endowment could weather a major portfolio manager blowing up spectacularly

and still show a profit overall, I have a feeling that its August performance

will be entirely satisfactory. El-Erian hints as much in his letter:

We are resisting the temptation to extrapolate the recent strong investment

performance. Instead, it is more prudent to view it as involving a “windfall

gain” component. Indeed, the question is not whether there will be market

pullbacks, but rather their likely depth, breadth, and duration. This consideration

assumes added importance given the gradual decline in the traditional risk

mitigating characteristics of a diversified asset allocation, thus further

emphasizing the importance of HMC’s hedging and risk management strategies.

Indeed, the July experience, as well as market developments so far in

August, illustrates how these strategies can help the endowment navigate

a challenging combination of sudden market disruptions and significant liquidity

dislocations.

In other words, don’t expect me to increase total assets by another $7.3 billion

next year: fiscal 2007 was something special. But at the same time, I know what

I’m doing, and that money is now in the bank. You’re welcome.

It’s also worth noting that El-Erian spent a lot of fiscal 2007 rebuilding

an organization which had been decimated by the abrupt departure of Jack

Meyer and his lieutenants. If this is an example of how he can perform

while understaffed and not entirely positioned as he might ideally like, one

suspects that fiscal 2008 could also turn out to have an upside surprise or

two.

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Has Smoke and Mirrors Worked?

Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism submits:

In an inspired bit of stagecraft, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd reported today on a meeting with Fed chairman Ben Bernanke and Treasury secretary Henry Paulson that the Fed stood ready to use “all of the tools at his disposal” to address the current money market liquidity meltdown and general credit market distress.

This was brilliant. Neither Bernanke nor Paulson has made a reassuring statement in their own names (Paulson’s remarks were if anything sobering). This gives Bernanke wriggle room, particularly since investors projected what they wanted to hear onto Dodd’s remarks, namely, that the Fed stands ready with an open checkbook. For the moment, the money markets have abruptly reversed their flight to quality, a very positive development. As the Financial Times tells us,

Money markets on Tuesday staged a dramatic reversal of Monday’s flight to safety, after an influential US senator fuelled expectations that the US Federal Reserve would soon cut interest rates…..

The revelation helped turned around investor sentiment after an earlier warning by Mr Paulson that there was no quick solution to problems in credit markets….

Fed sources played down the significance of Mr Dodd’s remarks, indicating that there was no change in Fed policy since Friday, when it put out a statement saying it was “prepared to act as needed to mitigate the adverse effects on the economy arising from the disruptions in financial markets”.

While our “smoke and mirrors” headline may sound dismissive, it is important to recognize that Fed’s tools, the ones Dodd invoked, are few in number and crude indeed. And the crisis in the money markets was a crisis of confidence, a panicked, irrational overreaction to some legitimate underlying issues.

The more the Fed can rely on legerdemain rather than liquidity to keep the markets functioning, the better off we will be. It seems that a real pol like Dodd is giving lessons to the newbies.

Posted in banking, bonds and loans, fiscal and monetary policy, Politics, regulation | Comments Off on Has Smoke and Mirrors Worked?