FT Story Hammers Moody’s Stock

The stock market has spoken: Moody’s shares are down 14% today in the wake of the ratings scandal uncovered by the FT.

Portfolio did a good job of rounding up the reactions, including a unwisely dismissive piece by the WSJ’s Aaron Lucchetti simply parroting the company line. Weirdly, no one seems to be picking up on what I consider the smoking gun: while the likes of Tanta and Alea and Yves Smith and Andrew Leonard all basically get the story right, none of them mentions the most damning quote of all.

Documents show that three methodological changes were proposed, but only two were adopted. The third was ditched because it “did not help the rating.” Of the two changes which were made, the document states: “the impact of our code issue after those improvements is then reduced.”

Why ignore this clear evidence of Moody’s trying to maximize the rating it was giving to CPDOs? It’s probably because the quote doesn’t appear in the ink-on-newsprint FT story, it only appears in the FT Alphaville blog.

If the quote’s so damning, why wasn’t it included in the newspaper story? My gut feeling is: UK libel law. After all, we know that the FT has proved itself to be spineless and craven in such matters in the past, even when it was reporting the truth.

I really wish that the FT would simply release these documents into the public domain, instead of simply reporting what they say, so that we can all see them and judge for ourselves. After making suitable redactions to protect their sources, of course.

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Car-Commute Datapoint of the Day

SAR has a provocative back-of-the-envelope calculation today:

At $4.00 a gallon, a minimum wage earner driving the average 15,000 miles a year will spend 25% of his/her after-tax income on gasoline.

I’m not sure whether this includes things like the EITC, but the ballpark figure seems right to me. Incidentally, if the driving was purely to and from work, that would mean a commute of 60 miles a day, or 30 miles each way. The number needing work here isn’t the $4/gallon; rather, it’s a combination of the $5.85 minimum wage (which is going up to $6.55 in July and $7.25 a year later) with that 15,000 miles a year.

Incidentally, do you remember Nick Paumgarten’s wonderful story on communting in the New Yorker?

Seven hours is extraordinary, but four hours, increasingly, is not. Roughly one out of every six American workers commutes more than forty-five minutes, each way. People travel between counties the way they used to travel between neighborhoods. The number of commuters who travel ninety minutes or more each way–known to the Census Bureau as “extreme commuters”–has reached 3.5 million, almost double the number in 1990. They’re the fastest-growing category, the vanguard in a land of stagnant wages, low interest rates, and ever-radiating sprawl.

Don’t believe that such commutes are uniquely American, either:

Europeans still drive a lot even with way expensive fuel – the highways are perpetually clogged, worse at times the in the US, around Europe’s major cities.

That isn’t day-trippers, I can assure you.

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The Economics of DVD Rentals

Aaron Schiff says that it’s "very cheap" to rent a DVD in Japan: he pays ¥350 ($3.39) for an overnight new release. Here in Berlin, it’s €3.40 ($5.36) to rent a DVD overnight. But there’s a twist: the headline rental rate is just half that, €1.70 ($2.68), and applies if you rent a DVD and return it the same evening, before the store closes at 1am.

This is puzzling: why does it cost more to keep a DVD overnight, when the store is closed and no one else could rent it, than it does to keep a DVD all day, when you’re depriving the store of the opportunity of renting the DVD? I suspect it’s a form of variable pricing: people with jobs, who like to watch a DVD and fall asleep, pay a premium, while the very cost-sensitive, who are happy schlepping a DVD back to the rental store at midnight, get a price they can afford.

Incidentally, the German version of Netflix, Amango, charges €10/month ($15.76) for one DVD and €20/month ($31.51) for three DVDs; the equivalent prices at Netflix are $9 and $17, respectively. Yet another case of purchasing power being roughly one-to-one, even as the exchange rate is closer to 1.6.

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Green Berlin

Paul Krugman joins me in Berlin:

Consider where I am at the moment: in a pleasant, middle-class neighborhood consisting mainly of four- or five-story apartment buildings, with easy access to public transit and plenty of local shopping.

It’s the kind of neighborhood in which people don’t have to drive a lot, but it’s also a kind of neighborhood that barely exists in America, even in big metropolitan areas. Greater Atlanta has roughly the same population as Greater Berlin — but Berlin is a city of trains, buses and bikes, while Atlanta is a city of cars, cars and cars.

And in the face of rising oil prices, which have left many Americans stranded in suburbia — utterly dependent on their cars, yet having a hard time affording gas — it’s starting to look as if Berlin had the better idea.

I’d add that there’s another form of transport beloved of Berliners but rare in America: walking. The sidewalks are wide, the street intersections are pedestrian-friendly, and the city in general is seems to be based around a walkshed which is significantly bigger than that which you find in the US.

You even need to walk to get a taxi: in an eminently sensible gas-saving move in a country where gasoline is $8 a gallon, taxis for hire simply wait at taxi ranks rather than cruising the streets for fares.

Plus, of course, those four- or five-story apartment buildings generally don’t have elevators. Try selling that to the average American.

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Pimco Datapoint of the Day

Bill Gross has enormous latitude to invest his Total Return Fund wherever he likes. But even so, investors who have entrusted that fund with well over $100 billion might raise their eyebrows at this:

As of April 30, Gross’s Total Return Fund held 65 percent in mortgage debt, according to data posted on the firm’s Web site.

Can someone point me to where on the Pimco website this data can be found?

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The Time Warner Cable Control Premium: $0

MarketWatch has a good summary of the rather complex deal by which Time Warner plans to spin off Time Warner Cable. But something here doesn’t make a lot of sense to me. Time Warner currently own 84% of Time Warner Cable, much of that in the form of Class B shares carrying ten times the voting power of common stock. In other words, it should be able to receive a substantial control premium from someone – Cablevision being the obvious strategic fit.

Instead, Cablevision is messing around buying newspapers, while Time Warner is swapping its Time Warner Cable Class B shares one-for-one for regular Class A shares, which it will then distribute to its shareholders in some yet-to-be-determined manner. In other words, Time Warner seems to be trying as hard as it can to dismantle any ability it might have to garner a control premium for Time Warner Cable.

What’s going on here? The most charitable explanation I can come up with is that Time Warner talked to a number of potential strategic and financial buyers, but that none of them showed much in the way of willingness or ability to come up with $10 billion in the present economic climate. The announcement of this deal is like an auctioneer’s "fair warning": it’s a way of saying "if you want control of this company, this really is your last chance to get it".

But I don’t think Time Warner is bluffing; I think this deal really is going to go ahead as planned, and Time Warner will get no control premium at all for Time Warner Cable. Instead, it’s loading up its subsidiary with debt, and taking out a $9.25 billion one-time dividend. Which is less than it seems at first glance, because Time Warner is also extending a $3.5 billion loan facility to Time Warner Cable.

The way this deal is structured, Time Warner looks as though it’s hell-bent on maximizing the amount of cash it receives now, rather than maximizing the total amount of value inherent in its control of Time Warner Cable. Maybe that makes sense, if the $9.25 billion is going to help pay down some of Time Warner’s expensive debt. But the whole thing seems much more boringly financial than compellingly strategic.

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A New Moody’s Rating Scandal

The FT has an explosive story today about the market in CPDOs, and the way that Moody’s, in particular, rated them. The problem is that CPDOs are so ridiculously complex that this scandal – and it is a scandal – will probably not get the traction it deserves, just because it’s very difficult to understand. But in a nutshell, this is what happened:

ABN Amro issued a few securities, which Moody’s rated triple-A. But when Moody’s went back to double-check its calculations, it found a bug in the computer code used to generate that rating. When the bug was fixed, it turned out that the securities in question should have been rated four notches lower. But what happened? Moody’s never rerated the securities in question, and indeed it continued to give triple-A ratings to new, almost identical, securities. It did this because it was making money hand over fist by rating them because by sheerest coincidence, at exactly the same time as it fixed that computer-code bug, Moody’s also made two changes to its ratings methodology elsewhere – changes which resulted in this class of securities retaining their triple-A rating.

Sam Jones, who helped report the story, also takes advantage of his presence over at Alphaville to add some color: in this entry he exposes an internal Moody’s document which says that only two of three proposed ratings changes were made because the third “did not help the rating.” That’s a smoking gun, if you ask me: there’s simply no way that whether or not a proposed change helps the rating should ever be a factor in the decision to adopt that change.

Interestingly, the official Moody’s statement stops short of denying that they did that:

It would be inconsistent with Moody’s analytical standards and company policies to change methodologies in an effort to mask errors… We are therefore conducting a thorough review of this matter.

Jones also, wonderfully, gets full reign to explain all the nitty-gritty in a blog entry: this is where the internet really comes into its own. You couldn’t print all this kind of stuff in a newspaper, it would be far too technical and boring. But online you can put everything up.

At Moody’s the CPDO model – as with most structured product models – came in two parts: the dll and the CDOROM. The dll was the proprietary part: the secret mathematical model developed to spit out the rating. The CDOROM meanwhile, contained a whole series of methodological assumptions about the market which the dll took in as data.

The “error” in Moody’s code, which a Financial Times investigation revealed on Wednesday, was in the dll.

When Moody’s discovered the error they corrected it and found that this meant that standard “ABN-like” first generation CPDOs would lose up to four notches of their ratings. CPDOs rated after the correction, however, still achieved triple A.

In part, it seems this was because Moody’s made two simultaneous changes to their rating methodologies in the CDOROM. These reduced the impact of the coding issue, say documents seen by the FT.

The changes reflected different methodological assumptions about the market. Most notably, the first change put a “volatility cap” onto Moody’s predictions for how the CDS markets would behave. This had the effect of discounting any scenarios spat out by the model which predicting large movements in price: in effect, the model was adjusted so it couldn’t predict the credit crisis.

A lot of people have been waiting for this story to emerge for a while: the long-form journalism practiced by the likes of Jesse Eisinger and Roger Lowenstein is all well and good, but this kind of investigative piece is where financial journalism really makes a difference in the markets. Gold stars, then, to Sam Jones and Paul Davies at the FT, as well of course to the redoubtable Gillian Tett. A fine job.

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Commercial Real Estate Datapoint of the Day

In April last year, the New York Observer declared the GM Building to be "the most valuable building in the world," and quoted Scott Latham of Cushman & Wakefield as saying it was worth more than $4 billion.

Today, the WSJ reports the GM Building is likely to be sold – for $2.8 billion.

That’s a price drop of 30% in the space of a year. On the other hand, seeing as how the building was bought for $1.4 billion in 2003, it’s managed to go up by an average of of 15% a year over those five years, and is still worth twice what the Macklowes paid for it.

I have to say I was wrong about this one. I thought that this particular trophy building would attract more interest, especially from foreigners taking advantage of the weak dollar. But it was not to be, and it seems that the building is going to be sold to a US consortium led by Goldman Sachs and Boston Properties, although it does apparently include "two Middle Eastern investors" as well.

I was right that the sale price of the GM building was going to set a new all-time record: $2.8 billion is a full billion dollars more than previous record of $1.8 billion set by 666 Fifth Avenue. Still, by real-estate standards, the sum is relatively modest: another Goldman-organized consortium, this time with Related, plans to spend $15 billion to develop the Hudson Yards site on the west side of Manhattan.

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It’s Time to Pay Sales Tax Online

It’s rare that I unreservedly praise a WSJ column – after all, where’s the fun in that. But Lee Gomes today is entirely correct that the time has long since come for web-based merchants to start collecting sales tax.

Do you think that billionaire Internet moguls should continue to benefit from a tax loophole that hurts parks and schools, and makes it harder for your neighborhood bookstore to keep open for business?

I didn’t think you did.

In that case, cheer on New York and Texas as they chip away at the popular but grossly unfair advantage enjoyed by the Amazon.coms of the world.

No one really seems to care, but it is worth noting that the law as it stands merely says that Amazon et al don’t need to collect sales tax; it doesn’t say that consumers don’t need to pay sales tax. If you buy a lot of things online tax-free, you have to declare that on your annual tax return, and pay the sales tax then. You do, that, right?

The place that the sales tax unfairness really hits home is in computer sales, I think. A new laptop is a big-ticket and entirely fungible commodity, and in pretty much any state it’s a lot cheaper to pay for overnight shipping from MacMall than it is to buy a computer at your local Apple retailer. This doesn’t seem to have hurt the Apple retail stores, although I’d be fascinated to see what percentage of their sales are new computers, compared to the equivalent percentage for Apple as a whole.

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Extra Credit, Tuesday Edition

Break up AIG!

Robert Thomson Named

WSJ’s Managing Editor: To absolutely nobody’s surprise.

High-End Homes Sold as Art: I’m quoted in this NPR feature on collectible architecture, which aired on All Things Considered today.

Huntington Hartford, A. & P. Heir, Dies at 97 Losing a fortune in style.

Wasps Stung over Renaming of the N.Y.P.L. A Jew! Is putting his name on the outside of the building! It’s Steve Schwarzman, of course.

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CDS Counterparty Risk and the Bear Stearns Bailout

Jesse Eisinger points me to David Evans’s 4,400-word article on credit default swaps; he likes it a lot. Me, not so much. If it were shorter, it wouldn’t bother me so much. But if you’re writing at that sort of length, you should really take advantage of the opportunity to get things absolutely right, and not fudge complex issues.

The piece starts out with an anecdote about Tim Backshall, a Walnut Creek CDS trader worried about counterparty risk in the days leading up to the Bear Stearns bailout. And it loses no time in painting that bailout as the result of a Fed fearful of precisely that counterparty risk:

"There’s always the danger the bank selling you the protection on Bear will fail,” Backshall says. If that were to happen, his clients could spend millions of dollars for worthless insurance…

The Fed bailout of Bear Stearns on March 17 was motivated, in part, by a desire to keep that sword from falling, says Joseph Mason, a former U.S. Treasury Department economist who’s now chair of the banking department at Louisiana State University’s E.J. Ourso College of Business.

The Fed was concerned that banks might not have the money to pay CDS counterparties if there were large debt defaults, Mason says…

The Fed was worried about the biggest players in the CDS market, Mason says. “It was a JPMorgan bailout, not a bailout of Bear,” he says.

Now I’m sure that the Fed was worried about counterparty risk in the CDS market when it orchestrated the Bear bailout. But to read Evan’s story, the big worry was something like this: Bear goes bust; other banks have to pay out a lot of money on CDS protection they’ve written on Bear’s debt; they don’t have the money to do that; chaos results.

Really? Does Evans really think that JP Morgan had written so much unhedged credit protection on Bear Stearns that it couldn’t pay out on its obligations were Bear to go bust? That’s the message he’s sending, but I don’t buy it for a minute.

The thing that the Fed was worried about was not the CDS written on Bear, it was the CDS written by Bear. If Bear were to go bust, then no one would have a clue how to value all the credit protection that Bear had written. Overnight, all the banks who thought they were hedged (they’d bought protection from Bear, sold it to someone else) would find themselves with some large and (worse) impossible-to-calculate net exposure. Eventually, inevitably, the Fed and the Treasury would pay or cajole a major Wall Street institution into taking on Bear’s CDS book – after all, the CDS desk at Bear was not one of the areas losing money, and there would probably be quite a few financial institutions interested in buying it. But in the interim, coherent risk management would be all but impossible.

Much worse, of course, would be if there was a major default during that interim period. If Bear wasn’t able to pay out on its obligations, then there could be an extremely nasty domino effect, leaving other institutions also unable to pay their obligations. But note that in order for that to happen, someone else – other than Bear itself – would have to go bust: Bear didn’t write protection on itself.

Evans also never gets into the crucial question of recovery value. He writes that the CDS market works

as if many investors could buy insurance on the same multimillion-dollar home they didn’t own and then collect on its full value if the house burned down.

But of course people who buy protection don’t collect in full at all. They receive the difference between full value and the cheapest-to-deliver security – and as Alea points out, if the recovery value is high, then CDS buyers can lose money even in the event of a default.

Suppose that you bought protection on Marconi at 250 bp sometimes in the late 90s, in 2001 the spread had widened to 4000 bp. You are rich or so you think. The unwind price depends entirely on recovery assumptions, at 30% recovery you would get 51% of par, at 99% you would get 1% of par,that is you would “lose” even though you got the scenario right.

This is where I part ways with Jesse, too. He quotes with approval this passage of Evans’s piece:

For traders who bought protection swaps just a few days earlier — when prices were in the 600s to 800s — the Fed bailout is crushing. Their investments have turned to dust.

It’s a bit weird to consider buying credit protection an "investment" – it’s more insurance than investment. But in any case the key question isn’t where the spreads were, but the value of the CDS contracts themselves. And while Evans can call those spreads "prices", they’re not prices at all: the relationship between spreads and prices is very complex indeed, and not nearly as simple as it is in the bond market.

So when Jesse says that the Fed’s bailout of Bear "harmed prudent buyers of insurance," I wonder what he’s talking about. I might be a prudent buyer of earthquake insurance, but that doesn’t mean I’m harmed if someone manages to avert an earthquake. (Hey, it happens, I’m sure I saw it in a James Bond movie once.)

More to the point, a genuinely prudent buyer of insurance would have been insuring something: Bear Stearns liabilities which he owned and which would have plunged in value in the event of a default. Yes, if Bear had defaulted, the value of his credit default swaps would probably have risen. But the value of his Bear Stearns bonds would have fallen. So it’s a bit weird to say that such an investor was harmed by the bailout – if anything, it was those investors who the Fed bailed out more than anybody else.

Evans continues in this vein. The CDS market "is larger in dollar value than the New York Stock Exchange," he writes, for all the world as though comparing notional principal amount in a derivatives market against actual tradable value in a stock market is an apples-to-apples comparison. It’s not, and I get annoyed when space-constrained columnists make that mistake. When someone has over 4,000 words at their disposal, there’s no excuse.

As a result, the good points that Evans makes – and there are some – get devalued. Yes, it’s worrying that hedge funds, which aren’t generally required to post collateral against the CDS protection that they’ve sold, have written 31 percent of all CDS protection. Yes, it’s also worrying that no one really knows where most of the risk lies in this market: everybody simply hopes that everybody else is, more or less, hedged.

But Evans seems less interested in the nitty-gritty of such matters than he is in random color:

The night of Thursday, March 13, Backshall can’t sleep. He lies awake worrying about Bear and counterparty risk. The next morning, he arrives at work at 5 a.m., two and a half hours before sunrise.

Through the window of his ninth-floor corner office, he takes a moment to watch the distant flickers of light in the rolling foothills of Mount Diablo. Across the street, he sees the still-dark Walnut Creek train station, about 30 miles (48 kilometers) east of San Francisco.

Backshall, wearing jeans and a blue, button-down shirt, sits at his desk, staring at a pair of the 27-inch (68.6- centimeter) monitors that display swap costs.

It’s worth noting that 5am in Walnut Creek is 8am in New York, a perfectly normal time to start. But I do like the bit about "the distant flickers of light in the rolling foothills of Mount Diablo," it makes Walnut Creek seem almost beautiful. (It isn’t.)

Evans ends with an ominous warning about counterparty risk:

The sword of Damocles will remain poised to fall, as banks, hedge funds and insurance companies can only guess whether their trillions of dollars in swaps are covered by anything other than darkness.

It’s poetic, and one can forgive him for not being empirical, since it’s impossible to quantify counterparty risk. But I would at least have liked Evans to draw a distinction between the risk of a broker-dealer going bust, on the one hand, and the risk of a hedge-fund protection seller going bust, on the other. Both constitute counterparty risk, but the way that each of the two cases might play out are decidedly different.

Update: Alea, in the comments, points out that Evans’s piece spends much time on Backshall, and then bemoans the fact that the CME’s nascent CDS exchange hasn’t worked out so well, without mentioning the very close relationship between Blackshall and the CME. That’s a disclosure Evans really should have made.

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Rich-Poor Inflation Differentials: Smaller Than You Might Think

Steve Levitt helpfully provides a link to the Broda and Romalis paper that Jim Surowiecki references this week, and whose findings I found so startling. After reading the paper, whose findings on inflation rates are by no means easy to pick out, I’m much less startled.

The first thing to note is that when Surowiecki says that "between 1999 and 2005 alone the inflation rate for lower-income Americans was almost seven points lower than it was for the wealthiest Americans," he isn’t referring to the inflation rate as most of us think of it, as in the annual rise in prices. Rather, he’s talking about the total rise in prices over that six-year period, during which prices rose 2.6% per year for the rich, on average, and 1.6% per year for the poor. So the difference in inflation is one percentage point per year, not seven.

But in fact it’s much lower even than that. Surowiecki’s looking only at the prices of "non-durable goods" – which are only a part of the total CPI basket. Yes, they’re a larger part of the CPI basket for the poor than for the rich. But the poor do buy other things too.

And Surowiecki’s taking his numbers from a table at the end of the paper, which doesn’t appear with a lot of explanation. If you look at what the authors actually write, they say that the inflation difference in non-durable goods is smaller still:

While the richest group in the ACNielsen had a non-

durable inflation rate of around 9.5 percent over the 1999 – 2005 period, or 1.5 percent per year,

the four poorest groups combined had an non-durable inflation of 6.2 percent, or 1.0 percent per

year. The non-durable inflation rate of the poorest income group was 0.5 percentage points

smaller than that of the richest group over the 1999 – 2005 period.

What about the overall inflation rate, not just inflation in non-durables? Broda and Romalis do address this question directly, although they use the period from 1994 to 2005 rather than the period from 1999 to 2005.

We find that the poor’s common-goods inflation rate over the 1994 – 2005 period has

been 2.1 percentage points smaller than that of the rich… simply because the

conventional CPI measures do not take into account the differences in expenditure shares by

consumption category across groups. This effect is mostly coming from the fact that the poor

consume more non-durable goods…

Column (3) in Table 7B shows the additional effect of allowing for different non-durable

“common goods” inflation rates across income groups. By using the income specific common-goods inflation rates, the inflation differential across income groups grows to 3.7 percent. When one takes into account the fact that the proportion of new goods purchased by the poor is larger

than for the rich (column (4)), the inflation differentials between rich and poor over the 1994 –

2005 period rise to 5.5 percent.

Let’s take the biggest number here: an inflation differential between rich and poor of 5.5% over 11 years. That’s not 5.5% per year, remember, it’s 5.5% total. Unfortunately, Broda and Romalis only give the difference in total inflation, not the actual inflation rates. But we know that the CPI rose by 32% between 1994 and 2005. So let’s say take a couple of numbers on either side of that 32% figure which are 5.5% apart, and assume that inflation for the poor was 30%, while inflation for the rich was 35.5%.

Those figures work out to an annual inflation rate for the poor of 2.4%, and an annual inflation rate for the rich of 2.8%. Which means that the inflation rate for the poor has only been 0.4 percentage points lower than it was for the rich – and that’s for the period of time in which the Chinese export boom really changed patterns of consumption in the US. It’s entirely possible that trend won’t continue, especially now that the dollar’s weakening and food and energy prices are soaring. (The poor spend a much higher proportion of their income on food and energy than the rich do.)

Contra Surowiecki and Levitt, then, I think it’s hard to read the Broda and Romalis paper and conclude that, in Levitt’s words, "the prices of goods that poor people tend to consume have fallen sharply relative to the prices of goods that rich people consume". They might have fallen a very little bit – about 0.4% a year, tops. But in any case that fall might well now be over.

Update: Zubin, of course, got here first.

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Carl Icahn’s Communication Problems

Remember last year, when Rupert Murdoch and Harvey Golub played phone tag? Rupert left a message for Harvey on March 29, but Harvey was out of the country. When Harvey returned Rupert’s call on April 4, Rupert was out of the country. They finally spoke on April 11, thereby saving the cost of an international phone call.

That rather pathetic story looks positively efficient, however, in comparison to Carl Icahn’s attempts to get Steve Ballmer on the blower:

So far, Mr. Icahn hasn’t been in touch with Microsoft — though he tried to call the company’s chief executive, Steven Ballmer, through the main switchboard at Microsoft’s headquarters and was turned away, according to a person briefed on the call.

Carl, you’re a billionaire. You have people. How hard can it be to get Steve Ballmer’s phone number? At least force him to personally make the decision not to take your call!

Of course, the obvious way to communicate with Ballmer is via email – but Icahn "doesn’t even use a personal computer". It seems the only way Icahn really likes to communicate is by "grumbling in his raspy voice as he slurps shark fin soup". What a perfect guy to take over Yahoo’s board of directors!

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Check Forgery Datapoint of the Day

Luke Mullins talks to Frank Abagnale, the acknowledged expert on such matters:

Check forgery is now at about $20 billion a year, up from about $12.6 billion in 1996. There was an increase in check forgery of over 25 percent last year.

I simply don’t understand why the US still uses checks, if it’s costing $20 billion a year. That’s something like $200 per household per year – more than enough money to make it worthwhile switching, as all of Europe has done, to electronic payments. If there aren’t any checks, there isn’t any check forgery – and when was the last time you saw a check in Europe? They basically don’t exist, certainly not personal checks.

But if the US is perenially three years behind Europe in terms of cellphones, it’s 20 years behind in terms of payment systems. It costs banks much less to process an simple funds transfer than it does to process a check, even before you include the costs of forgery. Yet banks still charge through the nose for wire tranfers while happily processing checks for free.

The craziest bit of all is when I’m using online banking: if I have a friend I want to give some money to, I can wire them the money directly at vast expense to myself, or I can type in their name and address and send them a physical check in the mail – for free. And I doubt the banks are making $20 billion a year in interest on my money while it’s sitting in a post box somewhere.

Still, if it hasn’t happened by now, it’s probably not going to happen at all, and check forgery will continue to be a major problem unless and until we bypass bank transfers entirely and start transferring and spending money directly from our cellphones. So, not for the foreseeable future, then. As you were, check forgers: you have a bright future ahead of you.

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Barclays’ Plan B: No Better Than Plan A

Is Bob Diamond delusional?

Barclays’ top team feels it has earned kudos with the City by walking away from last year’s battle for ABN Amro, which was bought by a consortium led by RBS for ߣ47bn.

Um, walking away? That’s one way of putting it. Or you could say that the value of Barclays’ stock-based bid plunged with Barclays’ share price, and that there was no way that Barclays could ever compete with the RBS consortium, which had much more in the way of synergies.

In any event, you’d be hard-pressed to find an investor showering Barclays with kudos right now: the bank’s shares are trading at 406p, down from 790p immediately before the ill-fated bid for ABN Amro. That’s not the kind of share-price performance which gets a lot of investors on the side of management.

According to Katherine Griffiths of the Telegraph, Barclays is now thinking about yet another takeover bid, and there’s a ridiculously wide range of possible targets: Lehman Brothers, UBS, Alliance & Leicester. What that means is that Barclays doesn’t have a strategic plan right now, and that it’s going to come up with one after deciding whether to bid on another bank, and if so which bank to bid on.

Such ex-post rationalizations are easy to come by, but they almost never get applauded in the stock market. Any takeover bid would be great for the shareholders of the target company, but it would be very unlikely to be welcomed by the long-suffering owners of Barclays.

Posted in banking, M&A | Comments Off on Barclays’ Plan B: No Better Than Plan A

The Cheap Pennsylvania Turnpike

What kind of effect has the credit crunch had on the formerly-frothy market for infrastructure investments? As money becomes scarcer, the price tags attached to future-cashflow investments like toll roads would normally go down. But there was always another possibility: that infrastructure, which is one of a very small number of fixed-income investments which doesn’t involve credit risk, would survive the credit crunch unscathed and even maybe get a new flight-from-credit bid.

Judging from the results of the auction for the Pennsylvania Turnpike, it’s more the former than the latter. Yes, infrastructure funds are flavor of the month right now, but the newly-oversubscribed funds seem to be keeping a very disciplined hand on the amount they’re bidding. The top bid for the Turnpike was disappointing:

The final offer of $12.8 billion still on the low end of what Morgan Stanley valued it when it was hired as an adviser to the state of Pennsylvania. It estimated the turnpike’s worth at $12 billion to $18 billion. And just a year ago, sources told BusinessWeek the turnpike could fetch as much as $30 billion.

I’m not surprised. Infrastructure funds are equity funds, which means that every dollar invested in them is loaded up with (typically) three dollars of debt. That debt, which is extended by banks, does carry credit risk, and is much more expensive now than it was at the height of the credit-market bubble.

And what happened to the reportedly frothy market where "at public auctions for infrastructure assets 20 to 30 bidders typically show up," as Ryan Orr said in a comment here on an earlier blog entry of mine? The number of bidders for the Pennsylvania Turnpike was just three: a Macquarie-led group bidding $8.1 billion; a Goldman-led group bidding $12.1 billion; and the winning bid from Citi and Abertis of $12.8 billion.

The Turnpike hasn’t been sold yet: the Pennsylvania legislature now needs to ratify the deal, and there’s no particular reason to think it will do so, at this price. In general, I think that selling off toll roads and the like is a very good idea. But selling off an asset for less than it’s worth is not. The problem in this case is that although a colorable case can be made that it might be possible to get substantially more money for the Turnpike in the future, Pennsylvania can’t wait that long: if it doesn’t privatize the Turnpike now, it’s going to implement some extremely unpopular tolls on I-80.

From the point of view of Pennsylvania’s legislators, this might be a bad deal – but tolling I-80 is even more politically unacceptable. Maybe that was the bidders’ calculation: that they had a unique opportunity to buy a prime infrastructure asset at a low price, and they’d happily run the risk of losing the auction in order to get the increased returns from a low bid.

Posted in infrastructure | Comments Off on The Cheap Pennsylvania Turnpike

Extra Credit, Monday Edition

Shiller on the Psychology of Foreclosure: A Tanta classic.

Spot the Contradiction: Tabarrok on Gross on Sachs.

Auction-Rate Collapse Costs Taxpayers $1.65 Billion

Why your internet experience is slow: Because of the need to sell pretty ads against the content you actually want.

Posted in remainders | Comments Off on Extra Credit, Monday Edition

Mark-to-Model Datapoint of the Day

The gimlet-eyed SAR found this gem in a Bloomberg story from Friday:

Potential homeowners approved by [Fannie Mae’s] automated computer program will be able to borrow up to 97 percent of the value of the property, the company said…

The government-chartered company said it can handle the changes, reported earlier by the Wall Street Journal, because it’s changing the computer models it uses to assess whether it will accept specific loans.

Lemme get this straight: Fannie Mae can start offering automatic 97% LTV mortgages again, because it’s changed its computer models, and the new computer models say it’s OK? Well, I’m reassured. I mean , it’s not like disastrous computer models are what got us into this mess to begin with.

Posted in housing | Comments Off on Mark-to-Model Datapoint of the Day

China (and Inflation) Datapoint of the Day

Jim Surowiecki:

According to the Yale economist Peter K. Schott, machinery and electronics products made in developed countries sell in the U.S. for four times the average price of Chinese products. And, since the late nineteen-eighties, that price gap has widened by almost forty per cent.

Both of these datapoints astonish me, but the second more than the first, It speaks mainly, I think, to the astonishing advances in Chinese productivity, since there’s no doubt that the quality of Chinese exports has improved substantially over the past 20 years.

While we’re on the subject of eye-popping Surowiecki datapoints, here’s another, from the same column:

Broda and Romalis, in their recent paper, calculate that between 1999 and 2005 alone the inflation rate for lower-income Americans was almost seven points lower than it was for the wealthiest Americans.

Given where the CPI came in during those years, I’d guess this means noticeable-but-manageable inflation for the wealthy, alongside substantial deflation for the poor. Does this mean we should revisit all those statistics on real wage growth by income quintile, and run them again using CPI for that quintile?

Posted in china, economics | Comments Off on China (and Inflation) Datapoint of the Day

Chart of the Day: Credit Losses Per Employee

losses.jpg

Here Is The City has put together this chart of credit losses per wholesale-banking employee, and it’s quite eye-opening, even if you discount the Mizuho outlier: Wachiovia, UBS, and Citi have all managed to rack up more than $1 million of losses per employee. Merrill Lynch’s losses look positively modest in comparison, at a mere $659,000 per employee. And Morgan Stanley, which has taken $12.6 billion in losses, does reasonably well on this metric, since that works out at "only" $331,000 for each of its 38,000 wholesale-banking employees.

(Via Ritholtz)

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Blogonomics: Integrating Acquisitions

Stephen Dubner is a journalist (he has written mainly for the NYT) who is now blogging for the NYT. And so it’s interesting to me what he did when given the opportunity to break some news:

The other day, I received an e-mail that I shouldn’t have. While my name was indeed in the list of addressees, and while I knew some of the other addressees (as well as the sender), my name was plainly included by mistake. It took me about three seconds to figure this out, since the topic under discussion had nothing to do with me.

But not only did it have nothing to do with me: it was a confidential e-mail about an upcoming strategic move by a large American corporation, the news of which had the potential to move the market substantially…

In this case, the sender got lucky: I don’t plan to use the information against the company, or to profit from the confidential message.

What Dubner did, essentially, was nothing. He didn’t break the news himself, and he didn’t forward on the email to a NYT colleague working that beat.

Now, you can consider Dubner’s reaction to be an expression of basic human decency, or you can consider it to be a dereliction of journalistic duty. I see it as an attempt to maintain an arm’s-length relationship with the New York Times, which acquired the Freakonomics blog in August.

If you look at the Freakonomics home page, it’s very self-contained: it has the standard NYT navbar at the top, and I’m sure the ads are sold by the NYT’s salesforce, but clearly no one’s making an enormous attempt to drive Freakonomics readers to the rest of the nytimes.com site, and Dubner’s actions imply that he considers himself to be a Freakonomics guy much more than a NYT guy.

There’s a lesson, here, for companies looking to acquire blogs. Bloggers tend by their nature to be independent souls – and that goes even for someone like Dubner, whose long history of writing for the NYT long predates Freakonomics.

Blogs which are developed and launched in house often do a good job of linking frequently to other content on the site – that’s one of the driving forces behind the creation of blogs like Dealbook, Deal Journal, and Alphaville. But acquired blogs are unlikely to behave that way. I suspect that Andrew Sullivan’s readers tended not to click over to the rest of the Time site when he blogging there, which could well have been a contributing factor behind his move to the Atlantic.

I’d love to know, then, what the thinking was behind Condé Nast’s acquisition of Ars Techinca. If they think their Wired sales team can do a great job selling Ars Technica’s inventory, they’re probably right. If they’re dreaming of integrating Ars Technica into Wired.com, that will be harder – although not impossible, given that Ars Technica is already structured halfway between news site and blog.

But in general, the very things which make blogs attractive – their unique voice, their loyal readers – mean that when a website buys a blog, it’s a good idea to downplay hopes of getting traffic flowing from that blog to the rest of the site.

Posted in blogonomics | Comments Off on Blogonomics: Integrating Acquisitions

Getting it Backwards

The FT reports:

Cowotinam of the US, known for its ice-dispensing equipment as well as its Niatop tower cranes, again upped its bid for Britain’s Sidone, which controls a range of catering brands…

Actually, I reversed all the company names there. The real names are Manitowoc, Potain, and Enodis.

Manitowoc is a city in Wisconsin, and Potain was named after its founder, Faustin Potain. Enodis is a made-up name for the company formerly known as Berisford. All of them read better backwards than forwards, I think.

Posted in M&A | Comments Off on Getting it Backwards

The Risks of an Argentine Financial Crisis

Finally! A good old-fashioned emerging-market currency crisis! Well, possibly, anyway. The WSJ headline says it all:

Argentines Rush to Buy Dollars Amid Fear of a Financial Crisis

This, if it happens, will turn out to be the most-forecasted crisis in the history of emerging markets. Argentina’s heterodox economic policy angers orthodox economists, who say vehemently that it won’t work, it can’t work, and that it will all end in tears. But up until now it’s been the economists, rather than Argentina, who have ended up with eggy faces.

And although there’s no shortage of political tensions in Argentina (the one thing you can be sure of about Argentina is that there are always political tensions), the central bank has so much cash that it can quite easily afford to do things like prop up the peso while covering the country’s debt service.

Yeah, prop up the peso: Argentina’s now reached the point where the central bank has spent $1 billion in the past two weeks fighting the currency’s decline. Quite a change from the competitive-devaluation days of a few years ago, when the Kirchner economic policy was to happily let the peso fall and watch exports soar as a result.

Indeed, the WSJ quotes Morgan Stanley’s Daniel Volberg as saying that "the authorities are under some pressure to engineer a devaluation of the peso" – something which would be entirely in line with what the Kirchners have done in the past. That’s why Argentines are converting their pesos to dollars right now: it’s not so much fear of a financial crisis, as the WSJ’s headline would have it, but simply a fear of a devaluation.

Remember, this is Argentina. In this part of Latin America, a devaluation, if it takes place in a country with a current-account surplus, low borrowing costs, and high foreign-exchange reserves, doesn’t in and of itself constitute a crisis. Generally, Latin crises do tend to be accompanied by devaluations. But that doesn’t mean all devaluations are crises.

Posted in emerging markets | Comments Off on The Risks of an Argentine Financial Crisis

Extra Credit, Sunday Edition

In Reversal, Microsoft Proposes New Deal to Yahoo: Here we go again.

Solving the climate change attitude mystery: Why only 19% of college-educated Republicans believe in anthropogenic global warming.

Condé Nast/Wired Acquires Ars Technica: There’ll be more about this on Monday, I’m sure. But I’m happy to see my blogger employer shelling out a rumored $25m for a blog, it shows how much value there is in this medium. (And how cheap I look, by comparison.)

Costs of Living: Dan Gross on Jeff Sachs: "It seems every catastrophe can be averted if we take fewer than 10 simple steps."

Traffic enforcer says officer beat him bloody for parking summons: Yet another reason why NYC’s traffic situation is broken.

Posted in remainders | Comments Off on Extra Credit, Sunday Edition

Why Cap-Weighted Funds Aren’t for Everyone

Joe Nocera finds himself enmeshed this week in a rather arcane fight within the world of index funds: the one between cap-weighted funds, on the one hand, and fundamentally-weighted funds, on the other. Nocera ultimately dodges the question – "they’ve both got a point," he says, but concludes by saying that fundamentally-weighted funds "ain’t index funds, and they shouldn’t be viewed as a replacement for index funds", which shows which way he’s leaning.

Brad DeLong seems to be leaning the same way, saying that fundamentally-weighted funds might have beaten the market in the past, and they might even beat the market in the future, but that ultimately they’re little more than a beat-the-market strategy, and all such strategies eventually stop working.

I think that both Nocera and DeLong are a little bit too unquestioning of the cap-weighted crew’s assumptions. Both of them look at a vaguely arbitrary entity known as "the market", and then ask how the fundamentally-weighted funds perform, using "the market" as a benchmark. As it happens, if you look backwards, the fundamentally-weighted funds have actually done very well by that benchmark. And if you look forwards – well, if you could do that with any accuracy, you’d have no need of mutual funds.

Where the cap-weighted crew have done magnificently well is that they’ve alighted on the S&P 500 as their chosen benchmark, and then decided that all investment decisions should be made with respect to it: they’re setting the terms of the debate. Now the S&P 500 is by no means a silly benchmark to use – for one thing, it significantly outperforms a genuine buy-and-hold strategy. But it is a bit silly to assume that the S&P is a sensible benchmark for all investors, at all times.

Nocera quotes Jack Bogle as saying “the market return is the market return,” and both Nocera and DeLong seem to accept this quite uncritically. But in reality it’s not nearly as simple as that. The market return, according to Bogle, is the S&P 500‘s return – and the S&P 500 is a tiny subset of the investable universe. There are European stocks and Japanese stocks and emerging-market stocks; there are all manner of fixed-income opportunities, both domestically and internationally; there’s commodities and currency funds and real estate and even, if you look hard enough, ways of investing in weird things like art and wine.

If you were going to take a subset of the investable universe as your benchmark, you wouldn’t necessarily alight upon the S&P 500. More likely, you’d take a risk-free subset instead – Treasury bills, say – and then ask yourself how much extra return you’d like, and how much risk you were willing to take in order to get that return. Jack Bogle could offer you this much risk and this much return by indexing the S&P 500; Robert Arnott could offer you that much risk and that much return by using his fundamentally-weighted index instead. You could then intelligently choose between them, and there’s a good chance that you’d choose Arnott over Bogle, because by all lights he’s offering a higher return at a lower risk.

Nocera’s good at pointing out the weakness of Bogle’s system:

Back in 1999, when Cisco Systems had, absurdly, the largest market capitalization in the world, it also had the biggest weighting in the Vanguard 500 Index Fund. And when the bubble burst, passive index investors lost money right alongside all those people who had tried to beat the market by diving into tech stocks. Not as much, perhaps, but they still lost money.

Anybody indexing the S&P 500 should be comfortable with precisely that investment strategy: putting more money into Cisco Systems than into any other company, not despite but rather because it’s trading at an absurd valuation. One could almost call it momentum investing, if one didn’t fear the wrath of Bogle for even hinting at such a thing.

Individual investors, when they make their investing decisions, have, if they’re smart, generally started with a top-down asset-allocation approach (this much in stocks, that much in bonds, maybe some commodities or REITs to round things out). Then, once they’ve decided how much money they want to invest in stocks, they’ve put that sum into an S&P 500 index fund, on the unquestioning assumption that that way they’ll get Bogle’s "market return".

But as the tech bubble taught us, all stocks are not alike, and the more value-focused stocks which form the bulk of the fundamentally-weighted funds are genuinely less risky than the S&P 500 as a whole, even when they underperform. For many investors a fundamentally-weighted fund might well suit their risk profile better than an S&P 500 index fund – or it might free up a bit more risk appetite to go exploring in places like emerging markets and commodities.

Buying any kind of index fund is simply buying a certain asset class, nothing more. S&P 500 index funds will give you exposure to one asset class; fundamentally-weighted index funds will give you exposure to a slightly different asset class. And I’m wary of people who will tell you that the former is better than the latter because it is the market. It’s not.

Posted in personal finance, stocks | Comments Off on Why Cap-Weighted Funds Aren’t for Everyone