A Brief History of Bill Gross’s Picture Byline

Things were sunny in Newport Beach until September 2006. Up to that date, Bill Gross’s monthly Investment Outlooks carried a colorful photo, complete with trademark moustache:

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The following month, however, the photo had turned B&W, and the moustache was gone – but otherwise it was the same photo! Ah, the magic of Photoshop.

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This photo lasted just over a year, until November 2007, when a new photo appeared. There was now presumably no need for Photoshop, but it remained in B&W. Gross’s mouth is smiling, but his eyes aren’t: the new picture is like the ones Paul Ekman uses to distinguish a real (Duchenne) from a fake smile.

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And now the photo has changed again. Bill seems to be back in front of those familiar horizontal stripes, but it’s hard to tell: we’re still in the world of B&W.

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"Let’s get off the couch and shape up," says the new-look Gross, "physically, intellectually, and institutionally". Is this then the shaped-up Bill Gross? Maybe he should have lost the jacket, in that case. At the very least, couldn’t he have reverted back to color?

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Whither WaMu’s Killinger?

There were just 24 days between Ken Thompson losing his chairmanship of Wachovia and his being fired by the board. At that rate,

Kerry Killinger of WaMu, who lost his chairmanship today, is likely to be fired on June 26. Mark your calendars! It’s sad that something which ought to be a positive sign – the separation of the CEO and chairman jobs – is now a signal to put the CEO on deathwatch. But Killinger can’t be feeling very secure in his job right now.

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Andrei Shleifer, Billionaire?

David Warsh has a great piece on Andrei Shleifer this week. Shleifer is known as a first-rate economist, and is also notorious for some shenanigans in Russia in the 1990s; Warsh makes a strong case that it’s time “to close the book on Andrei’s Shleifer’s role at the center of Harvard’s Russia scandal”.

Shleifer also reveals the sheer size of the funds which were founded by Shleifer and his wife, Nancy Zimmerman. Zimmerman’s hedge fund, he says, now has $3 billion in assets under management, while LSV Asset Management, which was co-founded by Shleifer, has an astonishing $66 billion in AUM.

Which makes Warsh’s tentative stab at Shleifer’s net worth extremely modest: “together the pair, through their start-ups, may have amassed net worth of $40 million or more,” he writes. Going on those AUMs alone, my guess is that the Shleifer-Zimmerman family has a net worth of vastly more than $40 million, and quite possibly something in the billion dollar range.

In fact, the $3 billion number for Bracebridge Capital, Zimmerman’s fund, is two years old; if she’s merely performed in line with other $3 billion funds circa 2006, my guess is she might well be at double that level right now.

Zimmerman founded Bracebridge in 1994 with $55 million; she’s been in there since day one, collecting what we can reasonably assume to be 2-and-20. We can also assume, from the 50-fold increase in AUM, that her investment returns have been very good. And since she’s the founder, we can assume too that the vast majority of her wealth has been (re)invested in Bracebridge.

The reason that hedge fund managers can get so magnificently wealthy is that they take their enormous fees, reinvest them in their own funds, earn high returns, and get paid even greater fees the next year. By the time a fund reaches $3 billion, it’s not uncommon for the founding partner to be a billionaire. But in any case, if Bracebridge is at $3 billion and is making 2-and-20 on, say, 12% returns, then that works out at $132 million per year in performance fees. Even if less than half of that goes to Zimmerman personally, it’s likely to have compounded to something in the billion-dollar range by now: after all, she’s been in the business for 14 years, which is a long time to be compounding alpha.

As for Shleifer himself, Warsh reports that he sold his share in LSV “for a large but undisclosed sum several years ago”. How large is that sum likely to have been? Well, LSV probably didn’t have $66 billion under management back then, but on the other hand it was probably growing quite fast. Let’s say that Shleifer had a 30% stake in the company, that when he sold out there was $30 billion of funds under management, and that he sold at a valuation of 4% of AUM. That would mean he received $400 million for his stake. (It’s also fair to assume that the proceeds were invested well, and have grown substantially since then.)

The real numbers might be lower than that – or they might be higher, we don’t know. But between Zimmerman and Shleifer, it’s probably reasonable to assume that they could quite easily lose $40 million down the back of the sofa and not notice. These guys are rich.

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Annals of Crap Succession Planning, Wachovia Edition

What a mess. Wachovia’s board, led by its chairman of less than a month, Lanty Smith, has fired the CEO, Kennedy Thompson, with no idea of who’s going to replace him. There’s now an interim CEO (Smith) as well as an interim COO (Ben Jenkins).

“No single precipitating event caused the Board to reach this decision, but a series of previously disclosed disappointments and setbacks cumulatively have negatively impacted the company and its performance,” Mr. Smith said in a statement.

Clearly what happened here was that the board, when it was led by Thompson, never pushed him hard enough to come up with a clear succession plan. This is not uncommon: the same thing happened at Citi. And it will continue to happen so long as the chairman and CEO roles continue to be held by the same guy. This is one thing boards should really push CEOs on; I do wonder when they fail to do so.

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Why is Harvard Economics so Popular?

Brad DeLong doesn’t think much of the Harvard economics department as a place for undergraduates:

My years as a junior faculty member and as head tutor of economics make me think that there is an enormous disproportion between resource inputs and educational outputs.

David Warsh says that other Harvard academics don’t think much of it, either:

The economics department, eager to be known as the world’s foremost in order to attract the brightest students, remains in bad odor within the university.

And yet, says Jeffrey Miron:

Economics is the largest undergraduate concentration, accounting for more than 15 percent of the senior class… Economics has been one of the largest concentrations, if not the largest, for many decades.

What’s going on here? Partly I suspect there’s a big difference between Harvard economics as it’s judged internally, and Harvard economics as it’s judged externally by people who have not been to Harvard and quite possibly have never studied ecomomics.

But mainly, I think, it’s this:

Many economics graduates land starting salaries in six figures.

Is that really true? Kids with nothing but an undergrad degree in economics, not even an MBA, getting six-figure starting salaries? If it is, that’s more tnan enough explanation right there.

Update: DeLong damns clarifies with faint praise in the comments: the education that undergrads receive from Harvard economics is, he says, "not bad".

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Ideas for Fixing Libor

Many thanks to Stanford’s Darrell Duffie for leaving a comment on my last post about Libor. Duffie is one of the academics who signed off on the WSJ’s attempt to prove the measure flawed, so he’s probably disappointed that the BBA has decided to do nothing, for the time being, to change it. I, on the other hand, think the BBA made exactly the right decision. Yes, there are problems with Libor, just as there are problems with any market yardstick. But the problems aren’t huge, and rushing to fix them might well involve unintended consequences – not least that Libor rates, which are generally considered too low, might actually fall further.

Duffie talks of a few proposals for fixing Libor suggested by Terry Belton Bolton of JP Morgan. In fact, however, after running down the list of proposals, Belton concludes that none of them is a particularly good idea, on the grounds that they would generally either have negligible effect or that they would actually drive Libor lower. Still, it’s an interesting list, and worth sharing. And given that the BBA has said that they "will be strengthening the oversight" of Libor, whatever that means, it’s even possible that one or two of these might be adopted.

  • Increase the size of the panel. At the moment, it is quite heavily UK-focused. But if more US banks were added, what would happen? The obvious ones, like Wachovia and Wells Fargo, tend to fund through deposits rather than in the wholesale markets. At the margin, that would tend to drive Libor down, since the banks in it would on average have less demand for interbank funds.
  • Change the time of the quote. This seems to have been dreamed up by US bankers who don’t like having to be alert at 11am London time. But, says Belton, "with a global index and a round planet time will always be a

    problem for somebody," especially since 13 of the 16 banks on the panel are based outside the US.

  • Change the calculation to use a median rather than a

    trimmed mean. At the moment, the BBA discards the four most expensive and four least expensive quotes, and takes the average of the rest. Which is one reason why the attempted WSJ takedown was underwhelming: if the banks with the most credit risk reported higher borrowing costs, they’d likely be discarded from the calculation anyway. But what would happen if the BBA just used the median number instead? Belton did the math, and concluded that Libor would rise by less than one sixth of a basis point in crazy times like now, while "under more

    normal circumstances, such as in early 2007, we expect the

    statistical difference between the two measures would be

    statistically imperceptible."

  • Change the survey question. At the moment, banks are asked what it costs them to borrow money on the interbank market; the Euribor survey, by contrast, simply asks what the interbank rate is. Would this have much of an effect? It’s easy to answer that: just look at the difference between Euribor and euro Libor. It turns out to be about a quarter of a basis point: there’s "no statistical significance

    to the different averages," says Belton.

It’s doubtful that the first proposed change will happen: if it were going to happen, it would have been announced by the BBA on Friday. The others are basically tinkering at the margin, and would make Libor behave a bit more like Euribor. I suspect, however, that if Euribor had the amount of scrutiny of late that Libor has come under, it, too, would have shown weaknesses. Unless someone can compellingly demonstrate that Euribor is superior to Libor, both in theory and in practice, I see no reason to change Libor.

Posted in banking | 1 Comment

Where’s the IP in Finance?

Gillian Tett had an excellent article in the FT this weekend on innovation in the derivatives markets: I highly recommend you read it. She gets some great quotes:

“It’s a strange business,” admits one senior banker. “First you make money by creating products no one understands, then you make money by cleaning the mess up.”

Her insights are powerful, too. For instance,why is it that most of the innovation in derivatives took place on the interest-rate side in the early 1990s, but on the credit side more recently? After all, both were ways of trying to squeeze out extra yield in a falling-interest-rate environment. The answer is what Tett calls "the innovation cycle":

Swaps had started life as a high-margin business, but by the early 1990s they had been copied so widely that they had turned into a mass-market product. Almost as soon as the derivatives scandals had died down, bankers started the hunt for the next big thing.

And what’s the driving force behind the innvoation cycle? The lack of patent protection.

There is a bitter irony that stalks the modern investment banking world: while many financial institutions exude vast power, they are highly vulnerable because it is so hard to patent their ideas. Thus, whenever a new product is invented, it tends to be copied quickly. That means that although new instruments – such as interest-rate swaps – typically start out as high-margin, bespoke products, they soon become low-margin, ubiquitous products. The only way that a bank can beat its competitors – other than having more capital or financial muscle – is to be much more creative.

Finance in general, in other words, and the derivatives market in particular, is that rarest of industries: one which is (a) based on intellectual property and (b) which has no real patent or copyright protection. And despite that, it thrives.

I do wonder how this happened. Given the ease with which companies in all other industries seem to be able to churn out thousands of patents a year, why has that never happened in finance? Is it just an accident of history, one which happens to have turned out quite well?

(Via Iverson)

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Extra Credit, Monday Morning Edition

Taxpayers May Face Hurricane Tab: Think of it as the Florida version of ethanol: indefensible, but necessary because it’s such an important state electorally.

BK Judge Rules Stated Income HELOC Debt Dischargeable: The bank didn’t rely on the borrower’s (mis)representations, it relied rather on the (frothy) valuation on the house.

High Gas Prices Cause Bike Shortages in N.Y.

The economics of Scrabble

Preliminary Q1 GDP: +0.9%.

And finally, Paul Collier at TED:

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Cheap Food and Expensive Wine

Frank Bruni is right, I think:

The same plate of pasta goes down a lot easier at $12 — it even tastes better at $12 — than it does at $16.

Why does food behave in the opposite manner to wine, in this respect? The same bottle of wine, we know, will taste better the more expensive it is. Yet while price reassures us in the case of wine, and even intimidates us into liking the bottle more, it seems to serve no such role in the case of food, where we’re much more likely to consider a high price a sign of being ripped off.

Part of the answer, I think, is that almost everybody has wine insecurities. If we know that wine quality is inversely correlated with price, then why do we feel guilty bringing a cheap bottle of wine to a dinner party? Probably because if it turns out not to be very good, the "but it was quite expensive" defense is a reasonable one. When navigating a strange and scary and unfamiliar land – which is how most people feel when they enter a wine shop – one grasps at anything one knows, which means that people (a) buy brands they recognize, and (b) navigate by price, in the absence of any other means by which to narrow down the selection.

Very few people, by contrast, are insecure when it comes to food. They know what they like, and while they might well be willing to pay a lot of money for a great meal, they’re generally even happier when they pay very little money for a great meal. What’s more, if there’s one big secular trend in the restaurant world, it’s away from the three-star gourmet palaces of old, where you dressed for dinner and were served ostentatiously expensive food like Lobster Thermidor on fine china by obsequious waiters, and towards much more low-key shops which concentrate on the food more than the theater and which pride themselves on doing great things with formerly déclassé ingredients.

Interestingly, it’s the grander, more high-theater holdouts which still tend to have the magnificent wine lists full of really expensive bottles. Maybe the more casual places know that without the accompanying palaver, a great wine won’t seem quite as magnificent.

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Why Won’t the UK Join the Euro?

When the euro was born, there were some reasonably good economic reasons why the UK shouldn’t be part of it from day one. Gordon Brown came up with his famous five tests, with the predictable (and desired) result that the UK to this day has retained the pound as its currency, even as the euro increases in scope and popularity. (There are now 15 full members of the eurozone, as well as nine more states and territories using the euro as their sole currency, and many others, like Poland, the Czech Republic, and the Baltics, obliged to join in the future.)

Today, the UK would pass the five tests with flying colors. Yet even as the euro becomes increasingly useful and powerful, the chances of the UK ever joining seem to get ever slimmer. So Willem Buiter pops the question on his blog: When will the UK wake up and join the Euro Area?

My feeling is that the time has passed. Tony Blair could have pushed it through at the beginning of his term in office, when he was flush with political capital, but he expended all of that capital, and then some, on the Iraq war instead. UK politicians like the fact that the euro is a non-issue right now, and have no incentive to open that particular political Pandora’s box.

And so the UK will remain a monetary outlier, like Switzerland or Norway, and will remain at the mercy of international financial events. Here’s Buiter:

To have a large, internationally active banking sector and financial system, your currency has to be a serious global reserve currency if you are to be able to provide the lender of last resort and market maker of last resort services required to minimize the risk of a bank run or market liquidity crunch bringing down large chunks of your banking system. You can decide to take the risk of running a large globally active financial sector with a local currency like sterling or the Icelandic krona, but you will be taking an unnecessary and costly risk. Sooner or later that risk will be reflected in your cost of capital and make you uncompetitive.

So, if the UK wants to remain the seat of the world’s financial capital, there is only one choice: adopt the euro now, and wonder why you did not do so in 1999.

The Bank of England has managed to weather the current financial crisis so far: it’s bruised and battered after the farcical bail-out of Northern Rock, but still more or less in one piece. But UK central bankers would be on much more solid ground if they had a much more solid currency. It won’t happen while this crisis is ongoing, but it would be great if it were implemented before the next one hits. And, yes, a pony would be nice, too.

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When a Retirement Plan isn’t a Savings Plan

What’s the difference between saving for retirement, on the one hand, and plain old saving, on the other? Teresa Ghilarducci, an economist at the New School, has a provocative book out, entitled "When I’m Sixty-Four: The Plot against Pensions and the Plan to Save Them," which forces us to ask that question very seriously.

Ghilarducci starts by noting that many defined-benefit pension plans have worked very well, be they in the public sector (CalPERS), the private (GE), or through a union (Teamsters). Yes, there are defined-benefit pension plans which have failed, often because they were plundered and/or underfunded by management. But overall, if you look at pension plans where a fixed amount of money is invested per employee per month, they tend to have been successful.

Ghilarducci also notes the big weakness with 401(k) plans – if you put individuals in charge of retirement and investing decisions, they have a tendency to make big mistakes. They save too little, they think they can beat the market, they get greedy, they are badly advised, they don’t have a good handle on their own risk profile, etc etc. And while the freedom to make one’s own mistakes is often a very good thing, it can be disastrous when it means penniless retirees throwing themselves on the mercy of the state because they haven’t been able to save enough money themselves.

And so Ghilarducci starts thinking big. What’s been proven to work? Low-cost, large-scale, not-for-profit investment schemes handling individual pensions. So, extend such a scheme to every working American, and seed it with $600 per worker per year, provided by the federal government. And to sweeten the deal even further, the government will guarantee a real rate of return of 3% per annum. Workers save 5% of their income each year into this Guaranteed Retirement Account, or GRA; upon retirement, 10% of the money in the account goes to them directly, while the rest gets invested in an annuity which they can draw on for the rest of their lives.

The money to fund this scheme comes from two places. The first is that 5% mandatory savings, which behaves in much the same manner as a tax: it’s money you’re forced to give up out of your take-home pay, and which is going towards your retirement security: not your savings as the concept of savings is currently generally understood. The money in your GRA can’t be liquidated; if you die, there are some survivor benefits for your spouse, but generally the money in that account disappears if you’re not there to either pay into it or draw an income from it.

The other main source of funding is the $100 billion in tax subsidies that the federal government presently gives not to retirement savings per se but rather to savings in general – subsidies which go overwhelmingly to the rich. Says Ghilarducci, in an email to me:

Why should tax dollars subsidize a bequest? Dreaming of leaving something to your loved ones? That dream motivates people to save; to pay off their house; to buy and cherish fancy watches and jewelry.

Providing bequests is NOT the job of retirement security; a joint survivor annuity is.

So Ghilarducci would remove tax-free status from all retirement accounts and other tax-privileged savings vehicles. Saving is good, go ahead and do it, but don’t expect to do it without paying taxes. On the other hand, if what you want is retirement security, that’s a cause that the federal government can get behind, and it will give you $600 a year plus a 3% guaranteed real annual yield in order to make that happen.

In round numbers, the $100 billion per year that’s currently spent on savings subsidies is equivalent roughly to a 2% payroll tax. Ghilarducci is in effect taking that 2% payroll tax, adding another 5% payroll tax, and layering it all on top of the existing social security system (which she wouldn’t meaningfully touch). All of that money would go to retirement security, either through the GRA system or through the social security system.

I’m not a huge fan of this proposal, because it feels to me like a very substantial income-tax hike. The GRA isn’t really savings: in the worst-case scenario, if I die a bachelor the day I retire, my heirs and I get nothing out the system at all, but I have paid 5% of my life’s income into it. And it’s not an opt-in system, either: Ghilarducci wants it to be mandatory.

On the other hand, I think that Ghilarducci makes a very good point when she says that 50% of savings subsidies go to the to 10% of taxpayers. That simply isn’t an efficient use of government funds, and it would make sense to move to a system which benefits everybody equally, and which targets retirement security over savings-for-the-sake-of-savings. I just don’t think that the problem is big enough to justify a solution which requires, essentially, an extra 5 points of income tax.

Posted in entitlements, fiscal and monetary policy, taxes | Comments Off on When a Retirement Plan isn’t a Savings Plan

Nassim Taleb Datapoints of the Day

From Bryan Appleyard’s profile of Taleb in the Sunday Times:

  • Taleb’s fee for a speaking engagement: "about $60,000"
  • Taleb’s advance on his next book: $4 million
  • Taleb’s profits on Black Monday: "$35m to $40m"

And then there’s Taleb’s new health regimen:

The biggest rule of all is his eccentric and punishing diet and exercise programme. He’s been on it for three months and he’s lost 20lb. He’s following the thinking of Arthur De Vany, an economist – of the acceptable type – turned fitness guru. The theory is that we eat and exercise according to our evolved natures. Early man did not eat carbs, so they’re out. He did not exercise regularly and he did not suffer long-term stress by having an annoying boss. Exercise must be irregular and ferocious – Taleb often does four hours in the gym or 360 press-ups and then nothing for 10 days. Jogging is useless; sprinting is good. He likes to knacker himself completely before a long flight. Stress should also be irregular and ferocious – early men did not have bad bosses, but they did occasionally run into lions.

He’s always hungry. At both lunches he orders three salads, which he makes me share.

This contrasts with Taleb’s "top life tip":

Scepticism is effortful and costly. It is better to be sceptical about matters of large consequences, and be imperfect, foolish and human in the small and the aesthetic.

I like the tip, not the diet – which strikes me as something which can be maintained for a few months but not as something sustainable. To be "imperfect, foolish and human in the small and the aesthetic" is, surely, to eat things which are delicious.

(Via Baruch)

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US Sugar: No Victim of Nafta

Mary Williams Walsh, in the NYT, has a good investigation of US Sugar, and the way that its managers seem to be enriching themselves at the expense of their employee-shareholders. It is unfortunate, however, that one sentence, buried in her copy, made it into the photo caption at the top which everybody reads:

In Clewiston, Fla., U.S. Sugar was known as a good citizen. But after Nafta, the company changed as it rushed to lower its costs.

The goings on at US Sugar might well be scandalous, but they have nothing to do with Nafta. Here’s how the article explains what happened:

The North American Free Trade Agreement raised the prospect of a flood of cheap sugar from Mexico and other countries with low wages. U.S. Sugar scrambled to lower its costs.

Nafta happened in 1994; the actions that the article focuses on didn’t start happening until the following decade, and the main action – rejecting a takeover offer at $293 a share – didn’t happen until 2005.

By that point, it was obvious to everybody concerned that there was and is no "flood of cheap sugar from Mexico and other countries with low wages". Just look at the latest farm bill: it guarantees 85% of the US sugar market to US producers, who quite happily manage to charge double the global rate for their product. If there’s one thing which has been blissfully unaffected by Nafta, it’s sugar.

Just as the decline of sock manufacturing in the US had nothing to do with a 1984 tariff reduction, the decline in US Sugar’s corporate citizenship had nothing to do with Nafta. Pretending that it might just gives management a pre-baked excuse for its actions.

Posted in governance, trade | Comments Off on US Sugar: No Victim of Nafta

Import-Export Datapoint of the Day

Justin Fox:

Starting early this year, though, things changed. Loaded outbound containers outnumbered empties in February, March, and April, the first such three-month run, Wong says, since the spring of 2000. The totals so far in 2008 are 1,033,655 loaded inbound, 595,232 loaded outbound, and 476,853 empties.

This counts as good news. So far this year, so many empty containers have left Long Beach that, laid end to end, they would stretch all the way past New York and end up in Nova Scotia somewhere. (And the number of empty containers which have left Los Angeles is even greater.) But, they no longer outnumer the loaded containers which have left those ports.

The US will never again have a trade surplus in goods, and given the way its economy is headed, that’s well and good. But it’s nice to export something substantive, and clearly that’s beginning to happen.

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Extra Credit, Friday Edition

Drinking and Driving: The relative cost of beer and gasoline. Drink more, drive less!

A Road Map for Natural Capitalism: Amory Lovins on how to make money by being planet-friendly.

Brazil wins second key investment rating: From Fitch.

Is the yen a negative beta asset?

Markets in something: Apparently it costs $10.00, shipping included.

Posted in remainders | Comments Off on Extra Credit, Friday Edition

Seared

Evan Newmark has a good analysis of Sears Holdings today. I really can’t see any reason to hold this stock: all the old reasons don’t seem to pertain any more. Eddie Lampert has given up on the idea of running it as a hedge fund, and in any case Sears is losing money, which means that Lampert can’t invest its free cash flow. The US consumer seems to have given up on spending money in general, and certainly spending money at Sears in particular. And the company’s much-vaunted real estate holdings are basically very large chunks of aging shopping malls which are looking increasingly more like liabilities than assets. I mean, who would buy those things?

Newmark reckons that the stock won’t fall much further unless and until Lampert’s buy-side buddies – people like Bill Miller and Bill Ackman – desert him. I suspect that day might not be too far off. Smart investors cut their losses, after all.

Update: Roger, in the comments (I suspect it’s Ehrenberg), points out that negative earnings do not necessarily mean negative free cash flow. He’s quite right, of course.

Posted in stocks | Comments Off on Seared

CDOs Return

Accrued Interest has a very good post in defense of CDOs, explaining that they make a lot more sense than SIVs or hedge funds playing in the credit space:

In most cases, SIVs collapsed not because they took on too much in cash flow losses, but because no one would buy their commercial paper anymore. In other words, the SIV arbitrage relied on the continued confidence in the SIV portfolio. Once that confidence was gone, regardless of what was actually in the portfolio, the SIV was toast. The very same thing happened to countless hedge funds and other leveraged vehicles in recent months. Any vehicle that relies on short-term funding is banking entirely on the continued support of short-term investors. Once that’s gone, the whole structure is destroyed. A CDO doesn’t have this problem. Generally speaking, the funding of a CDO is locked in at issuance.

Let’s compare and contrast for a moment. A CDO equity investor, the one who only gets whatever is left over after all debt holders have been paid, is making a highly leveraged bet on credit losses within the CDO’s portfolio. But that’s the only bet being made. An investor in a hedge fund relying on repo financing is making a bet on both the portfolio and continued access to financing. Why should investors make two bets when they could make only one?

Now might well be an excellent time to start investing in junior or even equity tranches of CDOs: they’re paying healthy rates of interest, and the default rates priced in are very high. If you think the credit markets have overshot, then buying CDO tranches is a pretty sensible way of trying to monetize that opinion. Just be sure that you’re buying CDOs made up of old-fashioned bonds, and not CDOs made up of much more dangerous things like CDSs. Those can turn very nasty.

Posted in bonds and loans | Comments Off on CDOs Return

Silverjet, RIP

Another airline bites the dust: this time it’s Silverjet, the all-business-class airline: it lasted just a few months longer than MaxJet. The official statement from Silverjet is pathetic, in the literal sense of the word:

We extend our sincerest apologies to those of you who have travel plans with Silverjet in the future and at present. You are advised to seek alternative travel arrangements with other carriers, and contact your credit card company or travel agent directly for information on obtaining refunds.

We are working actively with new investors who are prepared to inject new funds so we can recommence operations. If we are able to achieve this, we will make an announcement as soon as possible and we hope to be able to bring you our very ‘sivilised’ flying experience again.

This is yet another lesson that airline tickets should be booked with a credit card – it’s the only realistic way of getting a refund if the airline goes bust.

I’d put the chances of Silverjet managing to "recommence operations" at roughly the same probability as the chances of oil falling back to something below $75 a barrel.

In terms of all-business-class airlines, this leaves Eos as the sole carrier on the key London-New York route that’s it for the New York-London route: Eos folded last month. Only L’Avion, flying New York-Paris, remains. (Thanks to Joe Brancatelli for the reminder, I’d forgotten.)

Posted in travel | Comments Off on Silverjet, RIP

How Bear Failed

Did you have time to read more than 10,000 words by Kate Kelly on the fall of Bear Stearns? It’s an interesting series, full of color. My favorite bit is Jamie Dimon vs Vikram Pandit:

Late Sunday night, as lawyers raced to finalize the merger agreement, executives of the New York Fed convened a call for Wall Street CEOs…

Mr. Pandit — who did not initially identify himself — asked a shrewd but technical question: How would the deal affect the risk to Bear Stearns’s trading partners on certain long-term contracts?

The query irked Mr. Dimon. "Who is this?" he snapped. Mr. Pandit identified himself as "Vikram." Offended that Mr. Pandit was taking up time with what he considered granular inquiries, Mr. Dimon shot back, "Stop being such a jerk."

For a smart critical reaction to the series, check out Dear John Thain (1, 2, 3). He explains why it made no sense for Bear to unwind its "chaos trade", and wonders, as I do, what "a nonequity stake of as much as 10% in Bear Stearns" might be – apparently Pimco was in talks to acquire such a thing, but the talks fell apart. He also asks why Bear was so convinced that it could file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy, when there was no reason to believe that any brokerage could do such a thing.

My feeling after getting through the whole thing was that if there was one main cause for Bear’s demise, it was simply mismanagement. The people in charge were good at taking risks in bull markets, but very bad at managing risks when credit markets were getting crunchy. They found reasons not to raise equity, they bickered with each other, and they had zero goodwill to draw on from the rest of Wall Street. No one wanted to rescue Bear, and Hank Paulson, in particular, was adamant that it should be done with as much pain as possible to Bear’s shareholders (who, of course, were largely its employees).

Put it this way: if Morgan Stanley or Lehman Brothers had been in Bear’s position, the story would likely have been much happier. They have friends; Bear Stearns simply didn’t.

Posted in banking | Comments Off on How Bear Failed

Defending Libor

Carrick Mollenkamp and Mark Whitehouse got some pretty heavyweight backing for their Libor investigation today: before running it on the front page of the WSJ, they got sign-offs from

Darrell Duffie of Stanford, Mikhail Chernov of London Business School, and David Juran of Columbia. In the blogosphere, their findings have been received uncritically by Ryan Chittum ("Lying about Libor" is his headline), Angus Robertson, Paul Jackson, and others.

But Alea is not convinced at all, and neither is JP Morgan, and neither am I.

One thing I find extremely suspicious is the fact that the WSJ’s interactive graphic shows implied rates only back to August 2007, thereby only showing what’s happened since the credit crunch hit. If they went back further, their methodology might be exposed:

Pre-credit crunch, pre-August 9th 2007, when OIS-Libor spread was below 10 bp, the Journal calculation would have resulted in a “risk-free Libor” below the OIS fixed, a proxy for a risk-free rate.

What’s more, there are lots of places where banks actually borrow real cash, like the commercial paper market. Why would the WSJ try to use credit default swaps to gauge what cash borrowing rates should be, when they can look to something like the CP market instead? Clearly, I think, the answer is that the CP market wouldn’t give them the answer that they’re looking for.

Alea does a good job of explaining the theoretical weaknesses behind the WSJ’s methodology. But my gut reaction that the methodology is flawed was based on none of those. Rather, I mistrust any calculation which assumes that since last summer there has been a clean and predictable and precise relationship between cash credit products, on the one hand, and credit default swaps, on the other. Yes, Libor is a borrowing rate, and yes, there is some kind of credit spread baked in to it. But to assume that Libor equals a risk-free borrowing rate plus a default-risk premium is silly and simplistic – especially when you don’t back-test your model to a time when things were much less volatile.

It’s worth remembering that the interbank markets are based on long-standing relationships which are necessary to any smoothly-functioning financial system. Yes, Citigroup’s credit default swaps might be pricing in a relatively high probability of default, but that doesn’t mean that Citi’s counterparties will charge it a similar premium to insure against default risk, as the WSJ seems to think. Maybe they trust Citi more than the rest of the market does, or maybe they realise that any possible world in which Citi defaults is a possible world in which they’ve got much bigger things to worry about than their interbank lines.

Do I think that Libor is perfect? No. In this world, no spread measure is going to be perfect, especially at tenors of longer than a couple of weeks. But Libor is not nearly as flawed as the WSJ makes it out to be.

What the WSJ has done is come up with a marginally interesting intellectual conundrum: why is there a disconnect between CDS premia, on the one hand, and Libor spreads, on the other? But the way that the WSJ is reporting its findings they seem to think they’re uncovering a major scandal. They’re not.

Posted in banking | 8 Comments

Marking to Last Year’s Market, Charity Ball Edition

In the very first issue of Portfolio, last year, Tom Wolfe reported on the annual charity ball held by the Robin Hood foundation. After listing the excesses of the auction (ten "power meals" for $650,000; a "five-day “Surf and Sun” trip" for $240,000), he got to the bottom line: "an astounding $48 million" was raised for charity over the course of the evening.

Wolfe, however, was referring to the 2006 event. In 2008, things are different:

Giving away $56.5 million in a night would strike most people as extravagant. But to the tycoons of modern finance, it seems a bit low key.

At the 2008 Robin Hood Foundation benefit this week, auctiongoers donated that much money to charity. But many of the market wizards are making less these days — and they are giving away less, too. Robin Hood’s haul was down 21 percent from last year.

Thus are expectations changed: the 2008 haul was up 18% on the amount raised in 2006. But because it’s down on the ridiculous amounts of money being thrown around in 2007, it’s now considered "a bit low key", and reflective of "the somber mood on Wall Street."

I’m in London this week (which is one reason I’m not posting as much as normal) and I’ve noticed a similar phenomenon regarding house prices. People are worried about falling prices and gazundering, to the point at which they seemingly forget that they’re still selling their house for a lot more money than they bought it for.

Call it mark-to-market gone viral. If you’re an investment bank or a fund manager, it makes sense to mark your positions every day to their market value. But if you’re a homeowner, there’s not much point in doing so – certainly not unless you’re borrowing more against the increased value of your house. If you’re not taking out home equity lines, then obsessing about whether your house is worth more or less than it was a few months ago is rather silly and pointless.

Similarly, a charity ball which raises $56.5 million over the course of an evening is an extremely impressive event. Even if it did raise more than that last year.

Posted in consumption, economics, housing | Comments Off on Marking to Last Year’s Market, Charity Ball Edition

The Economics of Rick Mishkin

This, from Brad DeLong, seems relevant, somehow, in the wake of Rick Mishkin’s resignation from the board of governors of the Federal Reserve:

In other disciplines to leave your university because another offers to pay you more entails personal humiliation and status degradation to a not inconsiderable degree: you are supposed to value ideas and colleagues and students, not cash. In economics, however, the thrust of the discipline makes a failure to respond to market forces a moral fault in itself.

Mishkin was an academic economist making a very healthy amount of money: $300,000 a year from Columbia, on top of (in 2006 alone) $242,632 in consulting fees, $434,000 in royalties from Pearson Publishing, and a $75,000 advance on a new book. Add it all up and you get a seven-figure income.

Let’s say that Mishkin, pace DeLong, was rationally seeking to maximize his income and saw no reason why it should top out at a million per. And was invited to become a Fed governor on a salary of $168,000 per year – something which would involve giving up his Columbia salary and his consulting gigs, but not his book royalties.

True, he’d need to get by on a mere $600,000 per year or so – at least for a couple of years. (Of course, we’re not including here any income he gets from investments.) But then he could resign after a couple of years, long before his term was up in 2014, and at that point he’d be a former Fed governor, and therefore even more in demand.

So joining the Fed can make good economic sense, even if it does involve taking a pay cut. On the other hand, the government would have been unlikely to hire Mishkin as a Fed governor if they knew he intended to stay only long enough to burnish his résumé a little – which implies that there might well have been something of a lie of omission during the job negotiations.

Perhaps Mishkin genuinely did intend to stay longer than a mere two years, and was surprised at how much he missed living in New York, or something like that. Or, perhaps he was surprised by the credit crunch, and saw an enormous amount of demand for former central bankers from buy-side institutions. Never mind little consulting gigs for the Icelandic Chamber of Commerce, he could get something much more lucrative right now if he put his mind to it. And if he stayed on as a governor much longer, there’s a risk the Fed might actually do its job, the credit crunch would be over, and those job offers would no longer be on the table.

Central bankers are like judges: everybody knows they could earn much more money in the private sector, but it’s understood that there are other reasons to carve out a career in public service. On the other hand, central bankers are also economists, and are much more likely to expend some serious thought on working out the costs and benefits of the two options. And that means, I’m afraid, that we might see many more of these toe-touch terms as governor.

Posted in economics, fiscal and monetary policy, pay | Comments Off on The Economics of Rick Mishkin

Extra Credit, Wednesday Bonus Edition

Journal Women: A new WSJ site, for women. It seems quite fluffy: is Murdoch’s hand at work?

The Cayne Mutiny: By Charlie Gasparino. "I have never seen him stoned — not once."

A New Foreclosure TV Show!

 

Posted in remainders | Comments Off on Extra Credit, Wednesday Bonus Edition

Extra Credit, Wednesday Edition

America’s hottest investor: Another fund manager gets the Fortune hagiography treatment. Even if he deserves it, this is not necessarily a good thing.

Auditor: Supervisors Covered Up Risky Loans: "About 75 percent of the time, loans that should have been rejected were still put into the pool and sold, she says."

J.P. Morgan: Inflation to Hit 5%

Posted in remainders | Comments Off on Extra Credit, Wednesday Edition

Should Citi Cut its Dividend?

Holman Jenkins has a most peculiar column today which seemingly tries to defend Citigroup’s decision to continue paying dividends, even as it’s raising billions of dollars of capital elsewhere. Except he never quite comes out and says that Citi is doing the right thing: the best that he can come up with is that it’s possible that Citi is doing the right thing. And even getting there is something of a stretch.

Holman has two main premises. Both are true, as far as they go, but neither does a particularly good job of getting him to where he wants to go.

1) Money is money. Whether banks are wiser to replenish their depleted capital by retaining income now used to pay dividends, or wiser to raise the capital from outside and keep paying the dividend, depends on which is a cheaper source of capital.

2) Money is money. Whether a company retains its earnings or pays them out, shareholders are still the beneficiaries of its cash, and shareholders are not so dumb they can’t figure this out. They are not so dumb, in other words, as to prefer receiving a dividend if it would be more advantageous for their company to deploy its cash elsewhere.

If I were starting from these two premises, it wouldn’t take me very long to come to the conclusion that continuing to pay out dividends was not a very clever idea. From the first, I could compare the largely metaphysical costs of simply retaining earnings, on the one hand, against the very real and very large costs of borrowing capital from major institutional investors, on the other. Unless those metaphysical costs of cutting the dividend were obviously huge – and they’re not – then it would seem to be the cheaper, and therefore better, option.

From the second premise, I would deduce that shareholders will have voted on the present strategy every minute of the trading day. I would look at the results of that vote – shares trading at less than half their level this time last year – and conclude that they’re not very happy with the dilution strategy at all.

So how does Jenkins decide otherwise? He first makes an irrelevant point:

Remember, Abu Dhabi, Singapore, Kuwait and various muckety-mucks just put more than $44 billion into Citi on terms that lock them in, while normal shareholders can come and go as they please.

Shareholders come and go by selling stock to each other, not by withdrawing any capital from Citigroup. If Citi decided to retain earnings rather than borrow money from muckety-mucks, then those retained earnings would be just as "locked in" as anything from other sources.

Jenkins follows this up by an argument which betrays his WSJ editorial page roots:

For years, Citi’s shareholders have been concerned about a porky cost structure compared to its peers. A dividend is a form of discipline, imposing on management a need to be careful about costs so as not to be seen cannibalizing the company’s long-term value to pay the dividend.

This is known in political economy circles as the "starve the beast" argument. It’s used to justify tax cuts, on the grounds that if the government gets less revenue, it’ll be forced to get more serious about cutting spending. So far, it’s never worked.

And so we get to the point at which Jenkins ties everything up:

The company (so far) has had no trouble raising new capital – its offerings have even been oversubscribed – but another dividend cut might damage this appeal. It might instead be seen as management throwing in the towel on rationalizing Citi’s costs and simply using Citi’s cash flow to entrench itself. In which case, cutting the dividend could prove a very costly means of raising capital indeed.

I’m a little bit unclear as to what the word "itself" in this passage is referring to. Is it referring to Citigroup, the entity? If so, then Citigroup entrenching itself by means of its own cash flow would seem to be a jolly good idea to me, isn’t that what businesses are meant to do?

On the other hand, if the "itself" refers rather to Citigroup’s management entrenching itself using Citigroup’s cashflow, then the clear implication here is that shareholders are unhappy with the present management. They might be unhappy because they don’t like the current dividend policy – a possibility which seems not to have occurred to Jenkins. Or they might be unhappy because they think that the present crew, led by Vikram Pandit, just isn’t very able when it comes to managing a company of 374,000 employees. Either way, cutting the dividend is unlikely to make the shareholders even more ill-disposed towards management than they already are.

I think that Jenkins’s argument, insofar as there is one, boils down to "if Citi cut the dividend, then the share price might fall". Which would be a much more powerful argument if it weren’t for the fact that the share price has been falling quite steadily anyway. Just maybe, if Citi cut the dividend, then the share price might rise. Stranger things have happened.

(HT: Abnormal Returns)

Posted in banking, stocks | Comments Off on Should Citi Cut its Dividend?